The blood of every man, woman and child dying in Iraq today is on the hands of these foul and evil men who launched a preemptive and illegitimate war of colonial aggression based on conscious lies and purposeful misrepresentations of the truth.
It is altogether fitting that something as innocuous as the personal digital camera--a symbol of the same American technological prowess and prosperity that caused the Bush administration to assume the illegal invasion of Iraq to be a piece of cake that no earthly power could prevent--has provided such damning graphic evidence of the immorality and horror of that invasion and occupation. Diety does indeed move in mysterious ways, His wonders to perform.
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By Christian Davenport
Washington Post Staff Writer
Thursday, May 6, 2004
The collection of photographs begins like a travelogue from Iraq. Here are U.S. soldiers posing in front of a mosque. Here is a soldier riding a camel in the desert. And then: a soldier holding a leash tied around a man's neck in an Iraqi prison. He is naked, grimacing and lying on the floor.
Mixed in with more than 1,000 digital pictures obtained by The Washington Post are photographs of naked men, apparently prisoners, sprawled on top of one another while soldiers stand around them. There is another photograph of a naked man with a dark hood over his head, handcuffed to a cell door. And another of a naked man handcuffed to a bunk bed, his arms splayed so wide that his back is arched. A pair of women's underwear covers his head and face.
The graphic images, passed around among military police who served at the Abu Ghraib prison in Baghdad, are a new batch of photographs similar to those broadcast a week ago on CBS's "60 Minutes II" and published by the New Yorker magazine. They appear to provide further visual evidence of the chaos and unprofessionalism at the prison detailed in a report by Army Maj. Gen. Antonio M. Taguba. His report, which relied in part on the photographs, found "numerous incidents of sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses" that were inflicted on detainees.
This group of photographs, taken from the summer of 2003 through the winter, ranges widely, from mundane images of everyday military life to pictures showing crude simulations of sex among soldiers. The new pictures appear to show American soldiers abusing prisoners, many of whom wear ID bands, but The Post could not eliminate the possibility that some of them were staged.
The photographs were taken by several digital cameras and loaded onto compact discs, which circulated among soldiers in the 372nd Military Police Company, an Army Reserve unit based in Cresaptown, Md. The pictures were among those seized by military investigators probing conditions at the prison, a source close to the unit said.
The investigation has led to charges being filed against six soldiers from the 372nd. "The allegations of abuse were substantiated by detailed witness statements and the discovery of extremely graphic photographic evidence," Taguba's report states.
For many units serving in Iraq, digital cameras are pervasive and yet another example of how technology has transformed the way troops communicate with relatives back home. From Basra to Baghdad, they e-mail pictures home. Some soldiers, including those in the 372nd, even packed video cameras along with their rifles and Kevlar helmets.
Bill Lawson, whose nephew, Staff Sgt. Ivan L. "Chip" Frederick, is one of the soldiers charged in the incident, said that Frederick sent home pictures from Iraq on a few occasions. They were "just ordinary photos, like a tourist would take" and nothing showing prisoner abuse, he said.
"I would say that's something that's very common that's going on in Iraq because it's so convenient and easy to do," Lawson said of troops sending pictures home. He added that his nephew also mailed videocassettes "of him talking into a camcorder to [his wife] when he was going on his rounds."
But in the case of prisoner abuse, the ubiquity of digital cameras has created a far more combustible international scandal that would have been sparked only by the release of Taguba's searing written report. Since the "60 Minutes II" broadcast, pictures of abuse have been posted on the Internet and shown on television stations worldwide.
The photographs have been condemned by U.S. military commanders, President Bush and leaders around the world. They have sparked particularly strong indignation in the Middle East, where many people see them as reinforcing the notion "that the situation in Iraq is one of occupation," said Shibley Telhami, who holds the Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development at the University of Maryland.
The impact is heightened by religion and culture. Arabs "are even more offended when the issue has to do with nudity and sexuality," he said. "The bottom line here is these are pictures of utter humiliation."
It is unclear who took the photographs, or why.
Lawyers representing two of the accused soldiers, and some soldiers' relatives, have said the pictures were ordered up by military intelligence officials who were trying to humiliate the detainees and coerce other prisoners into cooperating.
"It is clear that the intelligence community dictated that these photographs be taken," said Guy L. Womack, a Houston lawyer representing Spec. Charles A. Graner Jr., 35, one of the soldiers charged.
The father of another soldier facing charges, Spec. Jeremy C. Sivits of Hyndman, Pa., also said his son was following orders. "He was asked to take pictures, and he did what he was told," Daniel Sivits said in a telephone interview last week.
Military spokesmen at the U.S. Central Command in Qatar and at the Combined Joint Task Force 7 headquarters in Baghdad referred requests for comment about those claims to Col. Jill Morgenthaler, a U.S. military spokeswoman. Morgenthaler could not be reached by telephone yesterday and did not return requests to comment by e-mail. Requests to speak with Col. Thomas M. Pappas -- who commands the 205th Military Intelligence Brigade, based in Germany, and whose troops were stationed at Abu Ghraib -- were declined by a U.S. military spokesman for the Army's V Corps in Heidelberg, Germany.
Yesterday, in Fort Ashby, W.Va., two siblings and a friend identified Pfc. Lynndie England, 21, as the soldier appearing in a picture holding a leash tied to the neck of a man on the floor. England, a member of the 372nd, has also been identified in published reports as one of the soldiers in the earlier set of pictures that were made public, which her relatives also confirmed yesterday. England has been reassigned to Fort Bragg, N.C., her family said. Attempts to reach her were unsuccessful. The military has not charged her in the case.
England's friends and relatives said the photographs must have been staged. "It just makes me laugh, because that's not Lynn," said Destiny Goin, 21, a friend. "She wouldn't pull a dog by its neck, let alone drag a human across a floor."
England worked as a clerk in the unit, processing prisoners before they were put in cells, taking their names, fingerprinting them and giving them identification numbers, her family said. Other soldiers would ask her to pose for photographs, said her father, Kenneth England. "That's how it happened," he said.
Soon after CBS aired its photographs, Terrie England said she received a call from her daughter.
" 'Mom,' she told me, 'I was in the wrong place at the wrong time,' " Terrie England said.
The pictures obtained by The Post include shots of soldiers simulating sexually explicit acts with one another and shots of a cow being skinned and gutted and soldiers posing with its severed head. There are also dozens of pictures of a cat's severed head.
Other photographs show wounded men and corpses. In one, a dead man is lying in the back of a truck, his shirt, face and left arm covered in blood. His right arm is missing. Another photograph shows a body, gray and decomposing. A young soldier is leaning over the corpse, smiling broadly and giving the "thumbs-up" sign.
And in another picture a young woman lifts her shirt, exposing her breasts. She is wearing a white band with numbers on her wrist, but it is unclear whether she is a prisoner.
The invasion and attempted occupation of Iraq by the United States of America was from the outset illegal and a breach of the United Nations Charter, the Geneva Conventions, and every other norm of acceptable international behavior. You, sir, have destroyed the infrastructure of the Iraqi nation and have killed well over 10,000 of her men, women and children in that invasion and attempted occupation. You have arrogantly appropriated her oil industry and all other enterprises that might turn a profit for multinational corporations typically headquartered in the United States. You have given Iraqis 13 months of hell on earth in their already poor and dusty land. And you would display the gall to appear on Arabic language television and seek to confine the discussion of America's national wrongdoing in Iraq to the Abu Ghraid prison abuses? As terrible as they were, the prison abuses are merely symptomatic of a vastly larger and infinitely more evil plan to subjugate the entire Islamic Middle East to the will of the United States of America and Israel. You should have talked to them about the Project For the New American Century (PNAC) which placed their nation in the cross hairs of bellicose neocons as early as 1997. (See http://www.crisispapers.org/Editorials/PNAC-Primer.htm) You should have told them that freedom and democracy were never high on your agenda for Iraqis--that from the outset of the invasion Iraq was destined to become a new "coaling station" for American military forces in the strategically vital Middle East. And you should have explained to them that Iraqi petroleum reserves were always more important to your administration than were Iraqi people. Yes, President Bush, there was much more to explain away during your appearance on Arabic television than the physical and psychological torture of hapless POW's at the hands of U.S. military personnel. The Abu Ghraid scandal represents the tip of a very dark and ugly iceberg.
The invasion and attempted occupation of Iraq by the United States of America was from the outset illegal and a breach of the United Nations Charter, the Geneva Conventions, and every other norm of acceptable international behavior.
You, sir, have destroyed the infrastructure of the Iraqi nation and have killed well over 10,000 of her men, women and children in that invasion and attempted occupation.
You have arrogantly appropriated her oil industry and all other enterprises that might turn a profit for multinational corporations typically headquartered in the United States.
You have given Iraqis 13 months of hell on earth in their already poor and dusty land.
And you would display the gall to appear on Arabic language television and seek to confine the discussion of America's national wrongdoing in Iraq to the Abu Ghraid prison abuses?
As terrible as they were, the prison abuses are merely symptomatic of a vastly larger and infinitely more evil plan to subjugate the entire Islamic Middle East to the will of the United States of America and Israel.
You should have talked to them about the Project For the New American Century (PNAC) which placed their nation in the cross hairs of bellicose neocons as early as 1997.
(See http://www.crisispapers.org/Editorials/PNAC-Primer.htm)
You should have told them that freedom and democracy were never high on your agenda for Iraqis--that from the outset of the invasion Iraq was destined to become a new "coaling station" for American military forces in the strategically vital Middle East.
And you should have explained to them that Iraqi petroleum reserves were always more important to your administration than were Iraqi people.
Yes, President Bush, there was much more to explain away during your appearance on Arabic television than the physical and psychological torture of hapless POW's at the hands of U.S. military personnel.
The Abu Ghraid scandal represents the tip of a very dark and ugly iceberg.
This sudden feigned moral outrage on the part of George W. Bush, Donald Rumsfeld, and the other criminals of the present administration about revelations of POW abuse at Abu Ghraid prison in Iraq is a bit difficult to accept. More to the point, it is unadulterated, hypocritical caca del toro. Bush, Rumsfeld, Cheney and others knew that Islamic soldiers and civilians were being abused by Americans from the inception of the Afghan campaign in 2001. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have been warning of ongoing and widespread abuses at Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere since that time. But until a major America corporate media outlet like CBS News finally elected for whatever reason or reasons to break their silence with the Abu Ghraid abuse scandal, members of the Bush administration and the dumbed down, flag-waving American couch potatoes they play to were content to permit the unspeakable to continue in the name of their so-called "war on terrorism". A case in point. In November 2001 more than 3,000 Taliban POW's suffered agonizing deaths by suffocation at the hands of Northern Alliance soldiers with American advisers present and fully aware of what was occurring. This terrible breach of the Geneva Conventions and of all international law was documented and duly reported by the "alternative" media and humanitarian organizations. But the mainstream media played the incident down or ignored it entirely so it did not exist in the minds of blindered Americans. Go to the link below to become familiar with the so-called "Convoy of Death" that saw 3,000 Taliban POW's who had voluntarily surrendered under the assumption that they would be treated in accordance with the Geneva Conventions, placed in sealed garbage containers and allowed to suffocate as they were transported across country for several days. No, my fellow Americans, POW abuse is nothing new or shocking to the Bush administration regardless of how many crocodile tears they muster about the Abu Ghraid abuses in the course of their election year posturing. Afghan Massacre: The Convoy of Death D. Grant Haynes May 4, 2004
This sudden feigned moral outrage on the part of George W. Bush, Donald Rumsfeld, and the other criminals of the present administration about revelations of POW abuse at Abu Ghraid prison in Iraq is a bit difficult to accept.
More to the point, it is unadulterated, hypocritical caca del toro.
Bush, Rumsfeld, Cheney and others knew that Islamic soldiers and civilians were being abused by Americans from the inception of the Afghan campaign in 2001. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International have been warning of ongoing and widespread abuses at Guantanamo Bay and elsewhere since that time.
But until a major America corporate media outlet like CBS News finally elected for whatever reason or reasons to break their silence with the Abu Ghraid abuse scandal, members of the Bush administration and the dumbed down, flag-waving American couch potatoes they play to were content to permit the unspeakable to continue in the name of their so-called "war on terrorism".
A case in point.
In November 2001 more than 3,000 Taliban POW's suffered agonizing deaths by suffocation at the hands of Northern Alliance soldiers with American advisers present and fully aware of what was occurring.
This terrible breach of the Geneva Conventions and of all international law was documented and duly reported by the "alternative" media and humanitarian organizations. But the mainstream media played the incident down or ignored it entirely so it did not exist in the minds of blindered Americans.
Go to the link below to become familiar with the so-called "Convoy of Death" that saw 3,000 Taliban POW's who had voluntarily surrendered under the assumption that they would be treated in accordance with the Geneva Conventions, placed in sealed garbage containers and allowed to suffocate as they were transported across country for several days.
No, my fellow Americans, POW abuse is nothing new or shocking to the Bush administration regardless of how many crocodile tears they muster about the Abu Ghraid abuses in the course of their election year posturing.
Afghan Massacre: The Convoy of Death
D. Grant Haynes
May 4, 2004
It is one damning commentary on the moral depravity of the American military and the West in general that this Mississippi truck driver was treated better by his Iraqi captors than have many Iraqis been treated at Abu Ghraid prison and in other crowded holding pens. The world is convulsed by the present American administration's barbarity.
Lyndon Johnson had his Tet Offensive and My Lai Massacre--events which, arguably, spelled the beginning of the end for American intervention in Vietnam--though tens of thousands more Americans and millions of Southeast Asians were still to die. George W. Bush has had his Abu Ghraid POW torture disclosures, his Falluja and Najaf standoffs, and an unprecedented number of casualties in the month of April just ended. May has begun on an equally bloody note. The handwriting is on the wall, George Bush. It is time to admit you were wrong in going into Iraq unilaterally and under false pretense. It is time to pull out of that tortured nation before thousands more lives are lost on both sides for no legitimate reason. Enough is enough. You will be respected more at home and abroad and will command a less ignominious niche in history by admitting that you erred and getting out of Iraq before the November election rather than by doggedly staying the present dead end course. It's nowhere but downhill for America in Iraq now, however long you or your successor stays and however many more lives are sacrificed on the alter of neocolonialism. D. Grant Haynes May 2, 2004
Lyndon Johnson had his Tet Offensive and My Lai Massacre--events which, arguably, spelled the beginning of the end for American intervention in Vietnam--though tens of thousands more Americans and millions of Southeast Asians were still to die.
George W. Bush has had his Abu Ghraid POW torture disclosures, his Falluja and Najaf standoffs, and an unprecedented number of casualties in the month of April just ended. May has begun on an equally bloody note.
The handwriting is on the wall, George Bush. It is time to admit you were wrong in going into Iraq unilaterally and under false pretense. It is time to pull out of that tortured nation before thousands more lives are lost on both sides for no legitimate reason.
Enough is enough.
You will be respected more at home and abroad and will command a less ignominious niche in history by admitting that you erred and getting out of Iraq before the November election rather than by doggedly staying the present dead end course.
It's nowhere but downhill for America in Iraq now, however long you or your successor stays and however many more lives are sacrificed on the alter of neocolonialism.
May 2, 2004
Her only offense was that she was born an Iraqi and was in Fallujah when the Americans brought their revenge.
For a superb analysis of events in Iraq, see the following WSWS link:
Washington unleashes bloodbath in Iraq
Oh come now, Lt. Gen. Helmly, one doesn't need a course in "ethical conduct" to know that it is wrong to do what those soldiers were doing to Iraqi POW's. A modicum of simple humanity and compassion for a fellow human would have been sufficient. You and your commander-in-chief are now reaping the whirlwind after three years of virulent Islamophobic propagandizing. This sick nation of pseudo-Christian hypocrites made those soldiers into what they were at Abu Ghraib. The lying spin masters of the Bush White House, as well as the corporate media whores that do Bush's bidding in all things, should each face a war crimes tribunal for the crimes against humanity committed by Americans in Iraq.
Christian boys and girls get their kicks at Abu Ghraib (Excerpted from a recent CBS News' 60 Minutes II segment on maltreatment of Iraqi POW's by Americans at Abu Ghraib prison.) "It was American soldiers serving as military police at Abu Ghraib who took these pictures. The investigation started when one soldier got them from a friend, and gave them to his commanders. 60 Minutes II has a dozen of these pictures, and there are many more--pictures that show Americans, men and women in military uniforms, posing with naked Iraqi prisoners. There are shots of the prisoners stacked in a pyramid, one with a slur written on his skin in English. In some, the male prisoners are positioned to simulate sex with each other. And in most of the pictures, the Americans are laughing, posing, pointing, or giving the camera a thumbs-up." ____________________________________________________ This Abu Ghraib POW was forced to stand hooded and on a box with wires attached to both of his hands and to his penis. He was told that if he lost his balance and fell, he would be electrocuted. Pretty funny huh, pea-brained Christian bigots! Gives you a big laugh doesn't it! A real guffaw! You'd like to do that to a Muslim yourself after your next Big Mac wouldn't you! None of you have a clue about the hell you face either here or hereafter for your misguided assent to, if not participation in, the abuses your nation is now heaping onto Iraqis and other Islamic peoples. I would not wish to be in any of your shoes for all the SUV's in Texas. You have some heavy Karma coming your way.
(Excerpted from a recent CBS News' 60 Minutes II segment on maltreatment of Iraqi POW's by Americans at Abu Ghraib prison.)
"It was American soldiers serving as military police at Abu Ghraib who took these pictures.
The investigation started when one soldier got them from a friend, and gave them to his commanders.
60 Minutes II has a dozen of these pictures, and there are many more--pictures that show Americans, men and women in military uniforms, posing with naked Iraqi prisoners.
There are shots of the prisoners stacked in a pyramid, one with a slur written on his skin in English.
In some, the male prisoners are positioned to simulate sex with each other.
And in most of the pictures, the Americans are laughing, posing, pointing, or giving the camera a thumbs-up."
____________________________________________________
This Abu Ghraib POW was forced to stand hooded and on a box with wires attached to both of his hands and to his penis. He was told that if he lost his balance and fell, he would be electrocuted.
Pretty funny huh, pea-brained Christian bigots! Gives you a big laugh doesn't it! A real guffaw! You'd like to do that to a Muslim yourself after your next Big Mac wouldn't you!
None of you have a clue about the hell you face either here or hereafter for your misguided assent to, if not participation in, the abuses your nation is now heaping onto Iraqis and other Islamic peoples. I would not wish to be in any of your shoes for all the SUV's in Texas. You have some heavy Karma coming your way.
Want to hear more about how far into moral oblivion U.S. soldiers in Iraq have sunk? Do you have a strong stomach? Then read the following WSWS commentary and be shocked, repulsed, and disgusted. Oh yes, you DO need to read it. You MUST waken from your lethargy, complacent Americans. All things considered, ask yourself now if George W. Bush's preemptive war on Iraq was justified, legal, moral or Christian. Bush, Rumsfeld, Cheney, and about a hundred others up and down the chain of command should be tried as war criminals in an International Court of Justice at the Hague. The uneducated grunts maltreating POW's should not take all of the blame. There is a chain of command and authority in the military. These terrible abuses would not have occurred but for the climate of anti-Islamic hysteria established by the White House and parroted by U.S. media whores for three years. Tacit approval for dehumanizing Iraqis was built into the propaganda system to which ignorant soldiers and millions of unthinking Americans have been exposed endlessly since 911. May America and Americans waken from the nightmare that is the Bush administration very soon. D. Grant Haynes April 30, 2004
Want to hear more about how far into moral oblivion U.S. soldiers in Iraq have sunk? Do you have a strong stomach? Then read the following WSWS commentary and be shocked, repulsed, and disgusted.
Oh yes, you DO need to read it. You MUST waken from your lethargy, complacent Americans.
All things considered, ask yourself now if George W. Bush's preemptive war on Iraq was justified, legal, moral or Christian.
Bush, Rumsfeld, Cheney, and about a hundred others up and down the chain of command should be tried as war criminals in an International Court of Justice at the Hague.
The uneducated grunts maltreating POW's should not take all of the blame. There is a chain of command and authority in the military. These terrible abuses would not have occurred but for the climate of anti-Islamic hysteria established by the White House and parroted by U.S. media whores for three years.
Tacit approval for dehumanizing Iraqis was built into the propaganda system to which ignorant soldiers and millions of unthinking Americans have been exposed endlessly since 911.
May America and Americans waken from the nightmare that is the Bush administration very soon.
April 30, 2004
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By Richard Phillips
WSWS
30 April 2004
On April 29, CBS television's "60 Minutes II" program screened graphic images of Iraqi prisoners being tortured and sexually humiliated by US troops at the Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad. The photographs, which show American soldiers-men and women-smiling, laughing or giving thumbs-up signs alongside naked Iraqi prisoners, expose the sadistic and brutal methods employed by American forces and provide more evidence of the catalog of war crimes being committed by US-led forces in Iraq.
One of the pictures shows an Iraqi prisoner standing on a box with a hood over his head. Electric wires are attached to his hands. He was told that if he fell off the box he would be electrocuted. Another photograph is of naked male detainees stacked in a pyramid shape, one of the men has a slur written on his skin in English. In some pictures, prisoners are positioned to simulate sex with each other while US troops point and laugh.
The photos have surfaced in connection with the suspension in March of 17 members of the 800th Military Police Brigade for mistreatment and abuse of prisoners at Abu Ghraib prison in November and December of last year. The jail was infamous for torture and executions under the Saddam Hussein regime.
Six of those suspended were charged with dereliction of duty, cruelty and maltreatment, assault and indecent acts-the military's term for sexual abuse-and could be court-martialed and jailed.
Military investigators have also recommended that disciplinary action be brought against seven US officers in charge of the prison, including Brigadier General Janis Karpinski, the 800th Brigade's commander.
While the US Army revealed these violations last month, it has attempted to prevent any detailed information leaking to the media. Army officials, however, were forced to appear on the high-rating television program after other news outlets were given copies of the photographs.
The Army told "60 Minutes II" that it had numerous photos, including a picture of a detainee with electric wires attached to his genitals, a dog attacking an Iraqi prisoner and a dead Iraqi prisoner who had been badly beaten at the prison. One civilian interrogator had smashed several tables in order to "fear up" prisoners.
The television show also revealed that the Army is investigating allegations by an Iraqi detainee that a prison translator at Abu Ghraib raped a male juvenile detainee. Part of the prisoner's testimony states: "They covered all the doors with sheets. I heard the screaming ... and the female soldier was taking pictures."
These acts of sadism and cruelty constitute a blatant violation of the "UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment" and are war crimes as defined by Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions on the treatment of war prisoners.
Article 3 prohibits: a. violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture; b. taking hostages; c. outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment.
Article 3 prohibits:
a. violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;
b. taking hostages;
c. outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment.
Army Brigadier General Mark Kimmitt, deputy chief of military operations in Iraq, told "60 Minutes II" that the torture was "reprehensible" and claimed that those facing charges were "not representative" of American soldiers in Iraq.
"Don't judge your army by the actions of a few," he said. Americans "need to understand that is not the Army."
These mendacious comments were refuted by CBS's chilling interview with Army Reserve Staff Sergeant Chip Frederick, one of those facing court martial.
Frederick, a Virginia prison guard, is charged with assaulting detainees, ordering prisoners to strike each other and an "indecent act" for observing one of the sexual abuse incidents. He insisted, however, that his actions were not those of a rogue soldier, but were sanctioned and encouraged by military intelligence and the CIA.
Along with other reservist jail guards, he was directed to physically and mentally "prepare" Iraqi detainees for interrogation. He said that dogs were also used as "intimidation factors" against prisoners.
One of Frederick's email messages said: "Military intelligence has encouraged and told us 'Great job.' They usually don't allow others to watch them interrogate. But since they like the way I run the prison, they have made an exception.
We help getting them [detainees] to talk with the way we handle them.... We've had a very high rate with our style of getting them to break. They usually end up breaking within hours."
As these comments make clear, torture in US-run Iraqi prisons is an integral part of the illegal occupation. A systematic process of brutalization is being directed from the upper ranks.
At the same time, the fact that US soldiers are employing methods similar to those used by the Nazis in World War II is indicative of a deep-seated state of demoralization and degradation that the occupation has bred within the US military.
Finding themselves in a hostile environment with the vast majority of Iraqis opposing the occupation, many American soldiers have come to see the country's entire population as the enemy. Fed lies about the colonial intervention in Iraq being part of a global "war on terrorism," some have also assumed a license to torture and humiliate their helpless captives.
Contrary to Kimmitt's claims-slavishly echoed by the corporate media-this is the logic and modus operandi of imperialist conquest and colonial occupation. The pictures of torture, brutality and sexual sadism are representative of the entire criminal operation being conducted in Iraq.
Washington anticipated and prepared in advance for the war crimes now being committed against the Iraqi people. No criminal charges can be brought against a US soldier in Iraq because the puppet Iraqi Governing Council has given the American military a blanket amnesty from prosecution. Secondly, with the backing of Germany and a number of other countries, no US soldier or citizen can be prosecuted for war crimes in the International Criminal Court.
The "60 Minutes II" broadcast has provided only a partial glimpse of the crimes being carried out by US forces in Iraq and elsewhere. The conditions in Iraqi jails, where over 18,000 prisoners are being held, are replicated in a network of US-run concentration camps around the world. These include Guantanamo Bay, Diego Garcia, Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan. According to current estimates, the US is incarcerating over 25,000 detainees in these hellholes, in violation of the Geneva Conventions.
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Following are additional images of America's finest getting their kicks by humiliating and terrorizing helpless Iraqi POW's at Abu Ghraib prison. Who would wish to know either of these non-human creeps when they arrive back in America?
(Snippets from AP piece of May 7. The story speaks for itself and no further commentary is needed.)
By Margaret Lillard
Associated Press Writer
RALEIGH, N.C. (AP) -- Army Pfc. Lynndie England, shown in photographs smiling and pointing at naked Iraqi prisoners, was charged Friday by the military with assaulting the detainees and conspiring to mistreat them.
Earlier Friday, England's relatives insisted she was following orders when she posed for the pictures, including one in which she held a leash attached to a man's neck. England, 21, faces four allegations, according to a statement from the XVIII Airborne Corps at Fort Bragg.
She is accused of "assaulting Iraqi detainees on multiple occasions;" conspiring with another soldier, Spc. Charles Graner, to mistreat the prisoners; committing an indecent act; and committing acts "that were prejudicial to good order and discipline and were of nature to bring discredit upon the armed forces through her mistreatment of Iraqi detainees."
England is seen smiling for the camera in one picture, cigarette in her mouth, as she leans forward and points at the genitals of a naked, hooded Iraqi. Another photo shows her holding a leash that encircles the neck of a naked Iraqi man lying on his side on a cellblock floor, his face contorted.
Both England and Graner were members of the Army Reserve's 372nd Military Police Company, based in Cumberland, Md.
England's family said she is four months pregnant with Graner's child. Graner's attorney has said he faces a possible court-martial on criminal charges of maltreatment and indecent acts.
After photos from the Abu Ghraib prison were beamed around the globe, reporters flocked to Fort Ashby, a town of 1,300 people where England's extended family lives in a trailer park... .
Want more documentation and detail about what Americans have been doing to Iraqi POW's? Have you weathered the previous piece without nausea? There is even more detail in this New Yorker article and the lie is put to the allegation that the interrogation methods uncovered at Abu Ghraib were the invention of half a dozen trailer trash reservists from Appalachia. They were following MI (Military Intelligence) guidelines for interrogation. _________________________________________________________________________ "The military-intelligence officers have 'encouraged and told us, "Great job," they were now getting positive results and information,'Frederick wrote. 'CID has been present when the military working dogs were used to intimidate prisoners at MI's request.'" _____________________________________________________________________________________
Want more documentation and detail about what Americans have been doing to Iraqi POW's? Have you weathered the previous piece without nausea? There is even more detail in this New Yorker article and the lie is put to the allegation that the interrogation methods uncovered at Abu Ghraib were the invention of half a dozen trailer trash reservists from Appalachia. They were following MI (Military Intelligence) guidelines for interrogation.
_________________________________________________________________________
"The military-intelligence officers have 'encouraged and told us, "Great job," they were now getting positive results and information,'Frederick wrote. 'CID has been present when the military working dogs were used to intimidate prisoners at MI's request.'"
_____________________________________________________________________________________
By Seymour M. Hersh
The New Yorker
May 5 Issue
In the era of Saddam Hussein, Abu Ghraib, twenty miles west of Baghdad, was one of the world's most notorious prisons, with torture, weekly executions, and vile living conditions. As many as fifty thousand men and women--no accurate count is possible--were jammed into Abu Ghraib at one time, in twelve-by-twelve-foot cells that were little more than human holding pits.
In the looting that followed the regime's collapse, last April, the huge prison complex, by then deserted, was stripped of everything that could be removed, including doors, windows, and bricks. The coalition authorities had the floors tiled, cells cleaned and repaired, and toilets, showers, and a new medical center added. Abu Ghraib was now a U.S. military prison. Most of the prisoners, however--by the fall there were several thousand, including women and teen-agers--were civilians, many of whom had been picked up in random military sweeps and at highway checkpoints. They fell into three loosely defined categories: common criminals; security detainees suspected of "crimes against the coalition"; and a small number of suspected "high-value" leaders of the insurgency against the coalition forces.
Last June, Janis Karpinski, an Army reserve brigadier general, was named commander of the 800th Military Police Brigade and put in charge of military prisons in Iraq. General Karpinski, the only female commander in the war zone, was an experienced operations and intelligence officer who had served with the Special Forces and in the 1991 Gulf War, but she had never run a prison system. Now she was in charge of three large jails, eight battalions, and thirty-four hundred Army reservists, most of whom, like her, had no training in handling prisoners.
General Karpinski, who had wanted to be a soldier since she was five, is a business consultant in civilian life, and was enthusiastic about her new job. In an interview last December with the St. Petersburg Times, she said that, for many of the Iraqi inmates at Abu Ghraib, "living conditions now are better in prison than at home. At one point we were concerned that they wouldn't want to leave."
A month later, General Karpinski was formally admonished and quietly suspended, and a major investigation into the Army's prison system, authorized by Lieutenant General Ricardo S. Sanchez, the senior commander in Iraq, was under way.
A fifty-three-page report, obtained by The New Yorker, written by Major General Antonio M. Taguba and not meant for public release, was completed in late February. Its conclusions about the institutional failures of the Army prison system were devastating. Specifically,Taguba found that between October and December of 2003 there were numerous instances of "sadistic, blatant, and wanton criminal abuses" at Abu Ghraib. This systematic and illegal abuse of detainees,Taguba reported, was perpetrated by soldiers of the 372nd Military Police Company, and also by members of the American intelligence community. (The 372nd was attached to the 320th M.P. Battalion, which reported to Karpinski's brigade headquarters.) Taguba's report listed some of the wrongdoing:
Breaking chemical lights and pouring the phosphoric liquid on detainees; pouring cold water on naked detainees; beating detainees with a broom handle and a chair; threatening male detainees with rape; allowing a military police guard to stitch the wound of a detainee who was injured after being slammed against the wall in his cell; sodomizing a detainee with a chemical light and perhaps a broom stick, and using military working dogs to frighten and intimidate detainees with threats of attack, and in one instance actually biting a detainee.
There was stunning evidence to support the allegations, Taguba added-"detailed witness statements and the discovery of extremely graphic photographic evidence." Photographs and videos taken by the soldiers as the abuses were happening were not included in his report, Taguba said, because of their "extremely sensitive nature."
The photographs-several of which were broadcast on CBS's "60 Minutes 2" last week-show leering G.I.s taunting naked Iraqi prisoners who are forced to assume humiliating poses. Six suspects--Staff Sergeant Ivan L. Frederick II, known as Chip, who was the senior enlisted man; Specialist Charles A. Graner; Sergeant Javal Davis; Specialist Megan Ambuhl; Specialist Sabrina Harman; and Private Jeremy Sivits--are now facing prosecution in Iraq, on charges that include conspiracy, dereliction of duty, cruelty toward prisoners, maltreatment, assault, and indecent acts. A seventh suspect, Private Lynndie England, was reassigned to Fort Bragg, North Carolina, after becoming pregnant.
The photographs tell it all.
In one, Private England, a cigarette dangling from her mouth, is giving a jaunty thumbs-up sign and pointing at the genitals of a young Iraqi, who is naked except for a sandbag over his head, as he masturbates. Three other hooded and naked Iraqi prisoners are shown, hands reflexively crossed over their genitals. A fifth prisoner has his hands at his sides. In another, England stands arm in arm with Specialist Graner; both are grinning and giving the thumbs-up behind a cluster of perhaps seven naked Iraqis, knees bent, piled clumsily on top of each other in a pyramid. There is another photograph of a cluster of naked prisoners, again piled in a pyramid. Near them stands Graner, smiling, his arms crossed; a woman soldier stands in front of him, bending over, and she, too, is smiling. Then, there is another cluster of hooded bodies, with a female soldier standing in front, taking photographs. Yet another photograph shows a kneeling, naked, unhooded male prisoner, head momentarily turned away from the camera, posed to make it appear that he is performing oral sex on another male prisoner, who is naked and hooded.
Such dehumanization is unacceptable in any culture, but it is especially so in the Arab world.
Homosexual acts are against Islamic law and it is humiliating for men to be naked in front of other men, Bernard Haykel, a professor of Middle Eastern studies at New York University, explained. "Being put on top of each other and forced to masturbate, being naked in front of each other--it's all a form of torture," Haykel said.
Two Iraqi faces that do appear in the photographs are those of dead men. There is the battered face of prisoner No. 153399, and the bloodied body of another prisoner, wrapped in cellophane and packed in ice. There is a photograph of an empty room, splattered with blood.
The 372nd's abuse of prisoners seemed almost routine-a fact of Army life that the soldiers felt no need to hide. On April 9th, at an Article 32 hearing (the military equivalent of a grand jury) in the case against Sergeant Frederick, at Camp Victory, near Baghdad, one of the witnesses, Specialist Matthew Wisdom, an M.P., told the courtroom what happened when he and other soldiers delivered seven prisoners, hooded and bound, to the so-called "hard site" at Abu Ghraib--seven tiers of cells where the inmates who were considered the most dangerous were housed. The men had been accused of starting a riot in another section of the prison. Wisdom said: SFC Snider grabbed my prisoner and threw him into a pile. . . . I do not think it was right to put them in a pile. I saw SSG Frederic, SGT Davis and CPL Graner walking around the pile hitting the prisoners. I remember SSG Frederick hitting one prisoner in the side of its [sic] ribcage. The prisoner was no danger to SSG Frederick. . . . I left after that.
When he returned later, Wisdom testified: I saw two naked detainees, one masturbating to another kneeling with its mouth open. I thought I should just get out of there. I didn't think it was right . . . I saw SSG Frederick walking towards me, and he said, "Look what these animals do when you leave them alone for two seconds." I heard PFC England shout out, "He's getting hard."
Wisdom testified that he told his superiors what had happened, and assumed that "the issue was taken care of." He said, "I just didn't want to be part of anything that looked criminal."
The abuses became public because of the outrage of Specialist Joseph M. Darby, an M.P. whose role emerged during the Article 32 hearing against Chip Frederick. A government witness, Special Agent Scott Bobeck, who is a member of the Army's Criminal Investigation Division, or C.I.D., told the court, according to an abridged transcript made available to me, "The investigation started after SPC Darby . . . got a CD from CPL Graner. . . . He came across pictures of naked detainees." Bobeck said that Darby had "initially put an anonymous letter under our door, then he later came forward and gave a sworn statement. He felt very bad about it and thought it was very wrong."
Questioned further, the Army investigator said that Frederick and his colleagues had not been given any "training guidelines" that he was aware of. The M.P.s in the 372nd had been assigned to routine traffic and police duties upon their arrival in Iraq, in the spring of 2003. In October of 2003, the 372nd was ordered to prison-guard duty at Abu Ghraib. Frederick, at thirty-seven, was far older than his colleagues, and was a natural leader; he had also worked for six years as a guard for the Virginia Department of Corrections. Bobeck explained:
What I got is that SSG Frederick and CPL Graner were road M.P.s and were put in charge because they were civilian prison guards and had knowledge of how things were supposed to be run.
Bobeck also testified that witnesses had said that Frederick, on one occasion, "had punched a detainee in the chest so hard that the detainee almost went into cardiac arrest."
At the Article 32 hearing, the Army informed Frederick and his attorneys, Captain Robert Shuck, an Army lawyer, and Gary Myers, a civilian, that two dozen witnesses they had sought, including General Karpinski and all of Frederick's co-defendants, would not appear. Some had been excused after exercising their Fifth Amendment right; others were deemed to be too far away from the courtroom. "The purpose of an Article 32 hearing is for us to engage witnesses and discover facts," Gary Myers told me. "We ended up with a c.i.d. agent and no alleged victims to examine." After the hearing, the presiding investigative officer ruled that there was sufficient evidence to convene a court-martial against Frederick.
Myers, who was one of the military defense attorneys in the My Lai prosecutions of the nineteen-seventies, told me that his client's defense will be that he was carrying out the orders of his superiors and, in particular, the directions of military intelligence. He said, "Do you really think a group of kids from rural Virginia decided to do this on their own? Decided that the best way to embarrass Arabs and make them talk was to have them walk around nude?"
In letters and e-mails to family members, Frederick repeatedly noted that the military-intelligence teams, which included C.I.A. officers and linguists and interrogation specialists from private defense contractors, were the dominant force inside Abu Ghraib. In a letter written in January, he said:
I questioned some of the things that I saw . . . such things as leaving inmates in their cell with no clothes or in female underpants, handcuffing them to the door of their cell-and the answer I got was, "This is how military intelligence (MI) wants it done." . . . . MI has also instructed us to place a prisoner in an isolation cell with little or no clothes, no toilet or running water, no ventilation or window, for as much as three days.
The military-intelligence officers have "encouraged and told us, 'Great job,' they were now getting positive results and information," Frederick wrote. "CID has been present when the military working dogs were used to intimidate prisoners at MI's request." At one point, Frederick told his family, he pulled aside his superior officer, Lieutenant Colonel Jerry Phillabaum, the commander of the 320th M.P. Battalion, and asked about the mistreatment of prisoners. "His reply was 'Don't worry about it.'"
In November, Frederick wrote, an Iraqi prisoner under the control of what the Abu Ghraib guards called "O.G.A.," or other government agencies--that is, the C.I.A. and its paramilitary employees-was brought to his unit for questioning. "They stressed him out so bad that the man passed away. They put his body in a body bag and packed him in ice for approximately twenty-four hours in the shower. . . . The next day the medics came and put his body on a stretcher, placed a fake IV in his arm and took him away." The dead Iraqi was never entered into the prison's inmate-control system, Frederick recounted, "and therefore never had a number."
Frederick's defense is, of course, highly self-serving. But the complaints in his letters and e-mails home were reinforced by two internal Army reports-Taguba's and one by the Army's chief law-enforcement officer, Provost Marshal Donald Ryder, a major general.
Last fall, General Sanchez ordered Ryder to review the prison system in Iraq and recommend ways to improve it. Ryder's report, filed on November 5th, concluded that there were potential human-rights, training, and manpower issues, system-wide, that needed immediate attention. It also discussed serious concerns about the tension between the missions of the military police assigned to guard the prisoners and the intelligence teams who wanted to interrogate them. Army regulations limit intelligence activity by the M.P.s to passive collection. But something had gone wrong at Abu Ghraib.
There was evidence dating back to the Afghanistan war, the Ryder report said, that M.P.s had worked with intelligence operatives to "set favorable conditions for subsequent interviews"-a euphemism for breaking the will of prisoners. "Such actions generally run counter to the smooth operation of a detention facility, attempting to maintain its population in a compliant and docile state." General Karpinski's brigade, Ryder reported, "has not been directed to change its facility procedures to set the conditions for MI interrogations, nor participate in those interrogations." Ryder called for the establishment of procedures to "define the role of military police soldiers . . .clearly separating the actions of the guards from those of the military intelligence personnel." The officers running the war in Iraq were put on notice.
Ryder undercut his warning, however, by concluding that the situation had not yet reached a crisis point. Though some procedures were flawed, he said, he found "no military police units purposely applying inappropriate confinement practices." His investigation was at best a failure and at worst a coverup.
Taguba, in his report, was polite but direct in refuting his fellow-general. "Unfortunately, many of the systemic problems that surfaced during [Ryder's] assessment are the very same issues that are the subject of this investigation," he wrote. "In fact, many of the abuses suffered by detainees occurred during, or near to, the time of that assessment." The report continued, "Contrary to the findings of MG Ryder's report, I find that personnel assigned to the 372nd MP Company, 800th MP Brigade were directed to change facility procedures to 'set the conditions' for MI interrogations." Army intelligence officers, C.I.A. agents, and private contractors "actively requested that MP guards set physical and mental conditions for favorable interrogation of witnesses."
Taguba backed up his assertion by citing evidence from sworn statements to Army C.I.D. investigators. Specialist Sabrina Harman, one of the accused M.P.s, testified that it was her job to keep detainees awake, including one hooded prisoner who was placed on a box with wires attached to his fingers, toes, and penis. She stated, "MI wanted to get them to talk. It is Graner and Frederick's job to do things for MI and OGA to get these people to talk."
Another witness, Sergeant Javal Davis, who is also one of the accused, told C.I.D. investigators, "I witnessed prisoners in the MI hold section . . . being made to do various things that I would question morally. . . . We were told that they had different rules." Taguba wrote, "Davis also stated that he had heard MI insinuate to the guards to abuse the inmates. When asked what MI said he stated: 'Loosen this guy up for us.''Make sure he has a bad night.''Make sure he gets the treatment.'" Military intelligence made these comments to Graner and Frederick, Davis said. "The MI staffs to my understanding have been giving Graner compliments . . . statements like, 'Good job, they're breaking down real fast. They answer every question. They're giving out good information.'"
When asked why he did not inform his chain of command about the abuse, Sergeant Davis answered, "Because I assumed that if they were doing things out of the ordinary or outside the guidelines, someone would have said something. Also the wing"-where the abuse took place-"belongs to MI and it appeared MI personnel approved of the abuse."
Another witness, Specialist Jason Kennel, who was not accused of wrongdoing, said, "I saw them nude, but MI would tell us to take away their mattresses, sheets, and clothes." (It was his view, he added, that if M.I. wanted him to do this "they needed to give me paperwork.") Taguba also cited an interview with Adel L. Nakhla, a translator who was an employee of Titan, a civilian contractor. He told of one night when a "bunch of people from MI" watched as a group of handcuffed and shackled inmates were subjected to abuse by Graner and Frederick.
General Taguba saved his harshest words for the military-intelligence officers and private contractors. He recommended that Colonel Thomas Pappas, the commander of one of the M.I. brigades, be reprimanded and receive non-judicial punishment, and that Lieutenant Colonel Steven Jordan, the former director of the Joint Interrogation and Debriefing Center, be relieved of duty and reprimanded. He further urged that a civilian contractor, Steven Stephanowicz, of CACI International, be fired from his Army job, reprimanded, and denied his security clearances for lying to the investigating team and allowing or ordering military policemen "who were not trained in interrogation techniques to facilitate interrogations by 'setting conditions' which were neither authorized" nor in accordance with Army regulations. "He clearly knew his instructions equated to physical abuse," Taguba wrote. He also recommended disciplinary action against a second CACI employee, John Israel. (A spokeswoman for CACI said that the company had "received no formal communication" from the Army about the matter.)
"I suspect," Taguba concluded, that Pappas, Jordan, Stephanowicz, and Israel "were either directly or indirectly responsible for the abuse at Abu Ghraib," and strongly recommended immediate disciplinary action.
The problems inside the Army prison system in Iraq were not hidden from senior commanders. During Karpinski's seven-month tour of duty, Taguba noted, there were at least a dozen officially reported incidents involving escapes, attempted escapes, and other serious security issues that were investigated by officers of the 800th M.P. Brigade. Some of the incidents had led to the killing or wounding of inmates and M.P.s, and resulted in a series of "lessons learned" inquiries within the brigade. Karpinski invariably approved the reports and signed orders calling for changes in day-to-day procedures. But Taguba found that she did not follow up, doing nothing to insure that the orders were carried out. Had she done so, he added, "cases of abuse may have been prevented."
General Taguba further found that Abu Ghraib was filled beyond capacity, and that the M.P. guard force was significantly undermanned and short of resources. "This imbalance has contributed to the poor living conditions, escapes, and accountability lapses," he wrote. There were gross differences, Taguba said, between the actual number of prisoners on hand and the number officially recorded. A lack of proper screening also meant that many innocent Iraqis were wrongly being detained-indefinitely, it seemed, in some cases. The Taguba study noted that more than sixty per cent of the civilian inmates at Abu Ghraib were deemed not to be a threat to society, which should have enabled them to be released. Karpinski's defense, Taguba said, was that her superior officers "routinely" rejected her recommendations regarding the release of such prisoners.
Karpinski was rarely seen at the prisons she was supposed to be running, Taguba wrote. He also found a wide range of administrative problems, including some that he considered "without precedent in my military career." The soldiers, he added, were "poorly prepared and untrained . . . prior to deployment, at the mobilization site, upon arrival in theater, and throughout the mission."
General Taguba spent more than four hours interviewing Karpinski, whom he described as extremely emotional: "What I found particularly disturbing in her testimony was her complete unwillingness to either understand or accept that many of the problems inherent in the 800th MP Brigade were caused or exacerbated by poor leadership and the refusal of her command to both establish and enforce basic standards and principles among its soldiers."
Taguba recommended that Karpinski and seven brigade military-police officers and enlisted men be relieved of command and formally reprimanded. No criminal proceedings were suggested for Karpinski; apparently, the loss of promotion and the indignity of a public rebuke were seen as enough punishment.
After the story broke on CBS last week, the Pentagon announced that Major General Geoffrey Miller, the new head of the Iraqi prison system, had arrived in Baghdad and was on the job. He had been the commander of the Guantanamo Bay detention center. General Sanchez also authorized an investigation into possible wrongdoing by military and civilian interrogators.
As the international furor grew, senior military officers, and President Bush, insisted that the actions of a few did not reflect the conduct of the military as a whole. Taguba's report, however, amounts to an unsparing study of collective wrongdoing and the failure of Army leadership at the highest levels. The picture he draws of Abu Ghraib is one in which Army regulations and the Geneva conventions were routinely violated, and in which much of the day-to-day management of the prisoners was abdicated to Army military-intelligence units and civilian contract employees. Interrogating prisoners and getting intelligence, including by intimidation and torture, was the priority.
The mistreatment at Abu Ghraib may have done little to further American intelligence, however. Willie J. Rowell, who served for thirty-six years as a C.I.D. agent, told me that the use of force or humiliation with prisoners is invariably counterproductive. "They'll tell you what you want to hear, truth or no truth," Rowell said. "'You can flog me until I tell you what I know you want me to say.' You don't get righteous information."
Under the fourth Geneva convention, an occupying power can jail civilians who pose an "imperative" security threat, but it must establish a regular procedure for insuring that only civilians who remain a genuine security threat be kept imprisoned. Prisoners have the right to appeal any internment decision and have their cases reviewed. Human Rights Watch complained to Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld that civilians in Iraq remained in custody month after month with no charges brought against them. Abu Ghraib had become, in effect, another Guantanamo.
As the photographs from Abu Ghraib make clear, these detentions have had enormous consequences: for the imprisoned civilian Iraqis, many of whom had nothing to do with the growing insurgency; for the integrity of the Army; and for the United States' reputation in the world.
Captain Robert Shuck, Frederick's military attorney, closed his defense at the Article 32 hearing last month by saying that the Army was "attempting to have these six soldiers atone for its sins." Similarly, Gary Myers, Frederick's civilian attorney, told me that he would argue at the court-martial that culpability in the case extended far beyond his client. "I'm going to drag every involved intelligence officer and civilian contractor I can find into court," he said. "Do you really believe the Army relieved a general officer because of six soldiers? Not a chance."
Insurgent--(adj.) Rising in rebellion against an existing government. (n.) One who takes part in opposition to constituted authorities. (The New International Webster's Student Dictionary)
By what stretch of Paul Bremer's fevered imagination are the Iraqis giving their lives in large numbers to end the occupation of their nation by the United States of America "insurgents"?
There is no existing government in Iraq. There is only chaos. And the Americans attempting to govern Iraq from their green zone bunkers certainly have no constitutional authority to do so.
Americans came to Iraq by force of arms and those seeking to oust them are as heroic as were George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and Patrick Henry when these patriots of another century fought the most rapacious colonial power of that period to free Americans from tyranny.
One ideology's patriot is another's insurgent, rebel, thug and criminal.
By D. Grant Haynes
April 5, 2004
Now the Americans get to what it was really about from the outset in Iraq--genocide of the majority of military-aged men--certainly in the Shiite cities of the south--through use of vastly superior airborne and mechanized killing power.
Sixty percent of Iraq's 25 million people are Shiites. That's 15 million men, women and children. Assuming half of that 15 million are males, that means 7.5 million opponents of the illegal and unjust occupation. Assuming further that 5 million of these men are able to fight, the only way a 135,000-man American force can prevail is to slaughter them and their families en masse. Sadly, this is what will soon begin in Sadr City and other Shiite strongholds.
A military action that had no legitimacy in the beginning--one that was frowned upon by the United Nations and most of the people of the civilized world--is sliding a year later into anarchy and genocide of a generation of Iraqis.
This is George W. Bush's legacy. This is what George W. Bush has given Iraq and the world through three years of fabricated lies and ruses accepted without question by a cowardly U.S. Congress and a dumbed down American public.
May this nation have learned her lessons well when the present sordid episode in Iraq is over.
May she have learned to permit democracy to prevail next time and never again allow a band of shouting Republican thugs freshly arrived from all over the country in their SUVs to curtail ballot counting in Florida or anywhere else until the legitimate winner of an election is known.
Bush's election was illegal and wrong from the outset and everything that has followed since--domestically and internationally--has been tainted with his administration's foul illegitimacy.
May God have mercy on America and Americans in this dark hour of their collective foolishness.
Falluja, Najaf and the First Law of Holes By William Rivers Pitt t r u t h o u t | Perspective Monday 26 April 2004 Anyone who believes that April has been the cruelest month of this Iraq war - 111 Americans killed with the total dead now at 718, hundreds upon hundreds of Iraqi civilians killed - should gird themselves for the reality that the worst, the very worst, the unimaginably awful, is still yet to come. It is bad enough that this second Bush war in Iraq has yielded nothing of what was promised by George and his merry crew. There are no weapons of mass destruction, there was no connection between the deposed Hussein regime and al Qaeda, there was no connection between Hussein and September 11, there will be no democracy for Iraq, and the Iraqi people have most definitely not welcomed us with open arms. Instead, Bush has mobilized anti-American sentiment to such a staggering degree that Shi'ite and Sunni, enemies for generations past counting, have united to fight us. The invasion and occupation has spurred an al Qaeda recruitment drive that has swelled the ranks of that organization. A lot of people are dead, American and British and Spanish and Polish and Iraqi alike. Nine Americans and 28 Iraqis were killed this weekend alone. The light at the end of this tunnel is an oncoming freight train. That's not the worst part, however. The worst part is yet to come, in two cities called Falluja and Najaf. Americans paying attention to the spiral of violence in recent weeks will recognize those names, for they have been at the center of heavy combat since the month of April began. Bush administration officials, rocked back on their heels by the eruption of death there, were forced at one point to sue for a cease fire with the 'insurgents' they had supposedly defeated last May, when the mission was declared accomplished and the end of major combat operations was declared over during a photo-op on an aircraft carrier several time zones away from the violence. The cease fire has failed, and American forces are at this moment surrounding Falluja and Najaf with the intention of invading these cities and routing the 'insurgents.' A showdown is coming, and nothing good will be made of it. U.S. military planners have spent many years now studying about and training soldiers for the realities of urban combat. The city of Falluja should be the first chapter in the urban combat strategy binder titled "Worst Terrain Imaginable." The city has nearly 300,000 residents and is made up of a dizzying maze of narrow streets, wide boulevards and back alleys. Most of the apartments have porches that will serve Iraqi snipers and RPG-toting helicopter hunters well. Every neighborhood has a mosque, a school, markets and clinics which, if struck by an errant American bomb, will deliver horrible numbers of civilian casualties. The politics of the looming Falluja incursion are another thing again. Hajim al-Hassani, of the Iraqi Islamic Party, sits on the American-compiled Iraqi Governing Council, but has little credibility among the people in Falluja. He is seen as not having been able to stop American forces from fighting in that city, and the Iraqi Islamic Party itself has been accused of collaboration with America. The mayor of Falluja, Mahmoud Ibrahim, is disliked by many of the city's residents. He informed officers of the American forces a few days ago that he had no control over Jolan, Hayal Askeri and Shuhada, three sections of the city which make up half its area. In other words, both representatives for this town are basically useless in any effort to call a halt to the attack. The religious aspect is easily the most explosive element in this matter. Falluja is a Sunni town. Through the almost mystical bungling of the Bush administration, it has become tied to the holy city of Najaf, a Shi'ite stronghold. This city, like Falluja, has been surrounded by American forces and faces imminent attack. If an attack against Najaf is indeed undertaken, the consequences for Iraq, and indeed for the entire Middle East, will be unimaginable. Najaf is the site of the tomb of Ali, the most important Shi'ite saint. It is a holy city, like Mecca and Medina, and is the symbolic capital for Shi'ites all around the world. If American forces attack Najaf, every Shi'ite on the planet will have a dog in the fight. Iran, a Shi'ite-controlled nation, may well become involved. Shi'ite religious leaders will issue fatwas demanding massive numbers of suicide attacks against Americans. Do the math. American forces attack Falluja, and become ensconced in a brutal street-to-street fight within the confines of that maze-like city. 300,000 civilians will be caught in the crossfire, and the resulting carnage will inflame the Iraqi people to a degree not yet seen. American forces will absorb brutal casualties. If the U.S. decides to avoid troop casualties by bombing Falluja in a repeat of Shock and Awe, the loss of civilian life will be beyond severe. Simultaneously, American forces attack Najaf, a holy city central to the spiritual lives of millions of Shi'ites around the world. An explosion of rage will engulf the Middle East. Iran, which has something resembling a real army, could very well drive across the border to engage American forces that are already stretched. This war, already a ridiculous mess, will become an unmitigated catastrophe. Anyone who thinks Iraq is a bad situation now should reserve judgment until the end of this week. George W. Bush and his crew have clearly forgotten the First Law of Holes: When you find yourself deep in a hole, stop digging. If this is what Bush meant when he talked about "changing the world" in his recent prime-time press conference, we are all in a great deal of trouble.
By William Rivers Pitt
t r u t h o u t | Perspective
Monday 26 April 2004
Anyone who believes that April has been the cruelest month of this Iraq war - 111 Americans killed with the total dead now at 718, hundreds upon hundreds of Iraqi civilians killed - should gird themselves for the reality that the worst, the very worst, the unimaginably awful, is still yet to come.
It is bad enough that this second Bush war in Iraq has yielded nothing of what was promised by George and his merry crew. There are no weapons of mass destruction, there was no connection between the deposed Hussein regime and al Qaeda, there was no connection between Hussein and September 11, there will be no democracy for Iraq, and the Iraqi people have most definitely not welcomed us with open arms.
Instead, Bush has mobilized anti-American sentiment to such a staggering degree that Shi'ite and Sunni, enemies for generations past counting, have united to fight us. The invasion and occupation has spurred an al Qaeda recruitment drive that has swelled the ranks of that organization. A lot of people are dead, American and British and Spanish and Polish and Iraqi alike. Nine Americans and 28 Iraqis were killed this weekend alone. The light at the end of this tunnel is an oncoming freight train.
That's not the worst part, however. The worst part is yet to come, in two cities called Falluja and Najaf. Americans paying attention to the spiral of violence in recent weeks will recognize those names, for they have been at the center of heavy combat since the month of April began. Bush administration officials, rocked back on their heels by the eruption of death there, were forced at one point to sue for a cease fire with the 'insurgents' they had supposedly defeated last May, when the mission was declared accomplished and the end of major combat operations was declared over during a photo-op on an aircraft carrier several time zones away from the violence.
The cease fire has failed, and American forces are at this moment surrounding Falluja and Najaf with the intention of invading these cities and routing the 'insurgents.' A showdown is coming, and nothing good will be made of it.
U.S. military planners have spent many years now studying about and training soldiers for the realities of urban combat. The city of Falluja should be the first chapter in the urban combat strategy binder titled "Worst Terrain Imaginable." The city has nearly 300,000 residents and is made up of a dizzying maze of narrow streets, wide boulevards and back alleys. Most of the apartments have porches that will serve Iraqi snipers and RPG-toting helicopter hunters well. Every neighborhood has a mosque, a school, markets and clinics which, if struck by an errant American bomb, will deliver horrible numbers of civilian casualties.
The politics of the looming Falluja incursion are another thing again. Hajim al-Hassani, of the Iraqi Islamic Party, sits on the American-compiled Iraqi Governing Council, but has little credibility among the people in Falluja. He is seen as not having been able to stop American forces from fighting in that city, and the Iraqi Islamic Party itself has been accused of collaboration with America. The mayor of Falluja, Mahmoud Ibrahim, is disliked by many of the city's residents. He informed officers of the American forces a few days ago that he had no control over Jolan, Hayal Askeri and Shuhada, three sections of the city which make up half its area. In other words, both representatives for this town are basically useless in any effort to call a halt to the attack.
The religious aspect is easily the most explosive element in this matter. Falluja is a Sunni town. Through the almost mystical bungling of the Bush administration, it has become tied to the holy city of Najaf, a Shi'ite stronghold. This city, like Falluja, has been surrounded by American forces and faces imminent attack. If an attack against Najaf is indeed undertaken, the consequences for Iraq, and indeed for the entire Middle East, will be unimaginable.
Najaf is the site of the tomb of Ali, the most important Shi'ite saint. It is a holy city, like Mecca and Medina, and is the symbolic capital for Shi'ites all around the world. If American forces attack Najaf, every Shi'ite on the planet will have a dog in the fight. Iran, a Shi'ite-controlled nation, may well become involved. Shi'ite religious leaders will issue fatwas demanding massive numbers of suicide attacks against Americans.
Do the math.
American forces attack Falluja, and become ensconced in a brutal street-to-street fight within the confines of that maze-like city. 300,000 civilians will be caught in the crossfire, and the resulting carnage will inflame the Iraqi people to a degree not yet seen. American forces will absorb brutal casualties. If the U.S. decides to avoid troop casualties by bombing Falluja in a repeat of Shock and Awe, the loss of civilian life will be beyond severe.
Simultaneously, American forces attack Najaf, a holy city central to the spiritual lives of millions of Shi'ites around the world. An explosion of rage will engulf the Middle East. Iran, which has something resembling a real army, could very well drive across the border to engage American forces that are already stretched. This war, already a ridiculous mess, will become an unmitigated catastrophe.
Anyone who thinks Iraq is a bad situation now should reserve judgment until the end of this week. George W. Bush and his crew have clearly forgotten the First Law of Holes: When you find yourself deep in a hole, stop digging. If this is what Bush meant when he talked about "changing the world" in his recent prime-time press conference, we are all in a great deal of trouble.
George W. Bush has done more to harm the earth and all of its ecosystems, peoples and species than any one man in the recorded history of the human race. For him to celebrate Earth Day in any manner whatsoever is a mockery of all the men, women and children who have attempted since the first Earth Day in 1970 to foster the environmental reforms he is busy dismantling. Bush met with representatives of Ducks Unlimited at his Texas ranch recently. Hence the talk of expanded "wetlands". That organization's twisted rationale for expanding wetlands is that wetlands provide a habitat for the ducks and geese they wish to kill each hunting season. Some environmental initiative that is. George Bush is a buffoon and a fool and we need a new president come November.
Bringing "democracy" and "freedom" to Iraq 18,000 Iraqis illegally held in jails, prison camps WSWS By Richard Phillips 22 April 2004 On April 8, Condoleezza Rice shamelessly declared that the Bush administration and its allies were "helping the people of Iraq and Afghanistan to build free societies...to spread the blessings of liberty and democracy as alternatives to instability and terror." Recent statements by human rights groups and news reports provide further evidence that Washington's version of "liberty and democracy" in Iraq is a Nazi-style reign of terror aimed at suppressing all opposition to its illegal neocolonial occupation. In fact, the eruption of a nationwide insurgency against US and coalition forces over the past three weeks came after a year of escalating violence and military provocations, with midnight-to-dawn raids, torture, assassinations, mass detentions and other breaches of the Geneva Conventions an everyday occurrence. According to the Baghdad-based Organisation for Human Rights, at least 18,000 Iraqis are now being illegally held in jails and prison camps. In a country of only 25 million, these figures are staggering and represent the incarceration of 1 in every 1,380 Iraqi citizens. Moreover, during December, American troops were arresting 100 Iraqis per day-a rate that will have increased dramatically during the past month as operations intensified against the local population. Referred to as "security detainees" by the US military, the prisoners are held without charge and denied access to lawyers, family and friends for months on end. Most of those incarcerated have been arrested during raids by coalition troops who storm houses, smashing down doors and windows and trashing household furnishings, televisions and other property. In many cases, armoured vehicles and Humvees or troops using high-powered ammunition or explosives seriously damage the homes. After "securing" the raided property, troops generally handcuff and hood all men and boys before transporting them to the nearest military base for preliminary interrogations. The detainees are then taken to the nearest US-controlled prison. These include Abu Ghraib, infamous for torture and executions under Saddam Hussein; Camp Cropper at Baghdad International Airport; al-Shaab Stadium; Camp Bucca, near Un Qasr in southern Iraq; and other jails in Habbaniyah, Nasariya, Tikrit and Baquba. The US-based Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT), a human rights organisation, has confirmed these Nazi-style techniques. CPT released a report last month based on the testimony of 72 detainees and their families. It revealed that most of the detentions involved acts of violence, such as: "[H]ouse raids using excessive force against unarmed civilians; theft and destruction of personal property; lack of legal representation or clear judicial process for detainees; mistreatment, including torture of detainees during interrogation and in prison camps; withholding of information about detainees' whereabouts and well-being from the detainees' families and/or Iraqi and international human rights organisations." Like those held by the US in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, the jails have been described as legal and physical black holes where prisoners are not formally charged with any offence and can be held indefinitely. Some of those arrested had previously been jailed for opposing Hussein's Baathist regime; others kidnapped by US forces have simply disappeared. Sixty-five-year-old Amal Salim Madi told Agence France-Presse that US soldiers arrested her three sons in October. "The Americans said they were taking my sons off for an hour of questioning. We have not seen them since." In a typical incident, US soldiers raided a home in Al Ewadiyah, a Baghdad suburb, last December. The inhabitants-the mother and brother and sister of the home owner-were forced to stand in the street in their bed clothes for five-and-a-half hours while 20 soldiers ransacked the house looking for weapons and resistance members. Nothing was found, but the brother was arrested. The next day, soldiers returned, admitted that they had been given incorrect information but demanded to know the whereabouts of the owner's brother-in-law. Unable to find him, they seized the owner's sister. Iraq's Coalition Provisional Authority and US military commanders claim to have no information on the whereabouts of those detained. Last month, Mahmoud Khodair told the media that American soldiers kidnapped him after smashing into his basement apartment. He was accused of supporting Iraqi resistance fighters and held without charge for six months before being released. He has never been given any explanation why he was arrested or released. Khodair, a 55-year-old cafe owner and released detainee, was forced to sit on his knees in the sun for 10 hours before his first interrogation. He claims that 14 million Iraqi dinars (about $10,000) was stolen from his home during his arrest. "Nothing has changed since Saddam," he said. "Before, the Mukhabarat [Hussein's secret police] would take us away, and at least they wouldn't blow down the door. Now, some informant fingers you and gets $100 even if you're innocent." Although the US refuses to provide detailed information on the conditions inside its network of prisons, interviews with those fortunate enough to have been released reveal a nightmarish world where intimidation, death threats and torture are routine. According to a March 21 Newsday article, Sadik Hamid al-Marsumim, a 26-year-old Baghdad construction worker, was beaten and forced to stay on his hands and knees for two hours while his guard used his back as a chess table. Al-Marsumim was then ordered to transfer sewage with a tablespoon from a full barrel to an empty one. "The Americans said they were going to build a new Iraq, full of freedom and dignity," he said. "Where is the respect for human rights in what they did?" Al-Marsumim was incarcerated for five-and-a-half months without charge before being released. Newsday also reported the case of Abdul Kahar Mehdi, a 30-year-old assistant engineering teacher. US soldiers shot the family dog during a December raid on his village and then killed his 70-year-old father. "After bursting through the door, Mehdi said, soldiers handcuffed him, a brother and his father, Mehdi Jamal al-Duraj, a retired government land surveyor. They thrust plastic bags over their heads and tightened them around their necks," the newspaper reported. "Within seconds, Mehdi said, he heard his father gasping for air. 'My father was screaming, "I can't breathe! Help me!" and I was begging them to loosen the bag,' said Mehdi, who said he addressed the soldiers in English. 'But the soldiers responded, "Shut the ____ up," and hit me in the chest with the butt of their weapon.' "After several minutes, Mehdi said, he could no longer hear his father breathe or move. 'I heard a soldier call on a radio and say, "The .... old man may be dead." US military officials apologised for his father's death and in February gave Mehdi a letter stating they were investigating," the newspaper said. Last month, the US Army admitted that six soldiers have been charged with dereliction of duty, cruelty and maltreatment, and assault and indecent acts with another-the military's term for sexual abuse-at Abu Ghraib prison. They are among 17 soldiers from the 800th Military Police Brigade, including a battalion commander and a company commander, suspended from duties over incidents that occurred in November and December. A week before Washington announced that the six MPs were being investigated, the US Army recommended that a marine reservist accused of killing an Iraqi prisoner not face charges or any military hearing. A second officer involved in the death is alleged to have punched, karate-kicked and dragged by the throat a prisoner in his custody. Though the Army has refused to provide any details about the six MPs currently under investigation, it is believed that the incidents occurred some time during or after prisoners began rioting at Abu Ghraib on November 24. Three Iraqi prisoners were killed and eight seriously injured during the riots. The soldiers face an Article 32 hearing that will decide whether the military will prosecute. It is unlikely, however, that the case will see any serious action taken against the soldiers. American troops cannot be tried in civil courts for killing civilians in Iraq. Local courts are forbidden from hearing cases against US soldiers or other foreign forces after the US-controlled governing body in Baghdad issued a directive last June. Several human rights groups have compared conditions in US-controlled Iraqi prisons with Guantanamo Bay. In fact, Major General Geoffrey Miller, the former head of Guantanamo Bay, has recently been appointed deputy commander for detainee operations in Iraq.
Bringing "democracy" and "freedom" to Iraq
22 April 2004
On April 8, Condoleezza Rice shamelessly declared that the Bush administration and its allies were "helping the people of Iraq and Afghanistan to build free societies...to spread the blessings of liberty and democracy as alternatives to instability and terror."
Recent statements by human rights groups and news reports provide further evidence that Washington's version of "liberty and democracy" in Iraq is a Nazi-style reign of terror aimed at suppressing all opposition to its illegal neocolonial occupation. In fact, the eruption of a nationwide insurgency against US and coalition forces over the past three weeks came after a year of escalating violence and military provocations, with midnight-to-dawn raids, torture, assassinations, mass detentions and other breaches of the Geneva Conventions an everyday occurrence.
According to the Baghdad-based Organisation for Human Rights, at least 18,000 Iraqis are now being illegally held in jails and prison camps. In a country of only 25 million, these figures are staggering and represent the incarceration of 1 in every 1,380 Iraqi citizens. Moreover, during December, American troops were arresting 100 Iraqis per day-a rate that will have increased dramatically during the past month as operations intensified against the local population.
Referred to as "security detainees" by the US military, the prisoners are held without charge and denied access to lawyers, family and friends for months on end. Most of those incarcerated have been arrested during raids by coalition troops who storm houses, smashing down doors and windows and trashing household furnishings, televisions and other property. In many cases, armoured vehicles and Humvees or troops using high-powered ammunition or explosives seriously damage the homes.
After "securing" the raided property, troops generally handcuff and hood all men and boys before transporting them to the nearest military base for preliminary interrogations. The detainees are then taken to the nearest US-controlled prison. These include Abu Ghraib, infamous for torture and executions under Saddam Hussein; Camp Cropper at Baghdad International Airport; al-Shaab Stadium; Camp Bucca, near Un Qasr in southern Iraq; and other jails in Habbaniyah, Nasariya, Tikrit and Baquba.
The US-based Christian Peacemaker Teams (CPT), a human rights organisation, has confirmed these Nazi-style techniques.
CPT released a report last month based on the testimony of 72 detainees and their families. It revealed that most of the detentions involved acts of violence, such as: "[H]ouse raids using excessive force against unarmed civilians; theft and destruction of personal property; lack of legal representation or clear judicial process for detainees; mistreatment, including torture of detainees during interrogation and in prison camps; withholding of information about detainees' whereabouts and well-being from the detainees' families and/or Iraqi and international human rights organisations."
Like those held by the US in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, the jails have been described as legal and physical black holes where prisoners are not formally charged with any offence and can be held indefinitely. Some of those arrested had previously been jailed for opposing Hussein's Baathist regime; others kidnapped by US forces have simply disappeared.
Sixty-five-year-old Amal Salim Madi told Agence France-Presse that US soldiers arrested her three sons in October. "The Americans said they were taking my sons off for an hour of questioning. We have not seen them since."
In a typical incident, US soldiers raided a home in Al Ewadiyah, a Baghdad suburb, last December. The inhabitants-the mother and brother and sister of the home owner-were forced to stand in the street in their bed clothes for five-and-a-half hours while 20 soldiers ransacked the house looking for weapons and resistance members. Nothing was found, but the brother was arrested.
The next day, soldiers returned, admitted that they had been given incorrect information but demanded to know the whereabouts of the owner's brother-in-law. Unable to find him, they seized the owner's sister. Iraq's Coalition Provisional Authority and US military commanders claim to have no information on the whereabouts of those detained.
Last month, Mahmoud Khodair told the media that American soldiers kidnapped him after smashing into his basement apartment. He was accused of supporting Iraqi resistance fighters and held without charge for six months before being released. He has never been given any explanation why he was arrested or released.
Khodair, a 55-year-old cafe owner and released detainee, was forced to sit on his knees in the sun for 10 hours before his first interrogation. He claims that 14 million Iraqi dinars (about $10,000) was stolen from his home during his arrest. "Nothing has changed since Saddam," he said. "Before, the Mukhabarat [Hussein's secret police] would take us away, and at least they wouldn't blow down the door. Now, some informant fingers you and gets $100 even if you're innocent."
Although the US refuses to provide detailed information on the conditions inside its network of prisons, interviews with those fortunate enough to have been released reveal a nightmarish world where intimidation, death threats and torture are routine.
According to a March 21 Newsday article, Sadik Hamid al-Marsumim, a 26-year-old Baghdad construction worker, was beaten and forced to stay on his hands and knees for two hours while his guard used his back as a chess table. Al-Marsumim was then ordered to transfer sewage with a tablespoon from a full barrel to an empty one.
"The Americans said they were going to build a new Iraq, full of freedom and dignity," he said. "Where is the respect for human rights in what they did?" Al-Marsumim was incarcerated for five-and-a-half months without charge before being released.
Newsday also reported the case of Abdul Kahar Mehdi, a 30-year-old assistant engineering teacher. US soldiers shot the family dog during a December raid on his village and then killed his 70-year-old father.
"After bursting through the door, Mehdi said, soldiers handcuffed him, a brother and his father, Mehdi Jamal al-Duraj, a retired government land surveyor. They thrust plastic bags over their heads and tightened them around their necks," the newspaper reported.
"Within seconds, Mehdi said, he heard his father gasping for air. 'My father was screaming, "I can't breathe! Help me!" and I was begging them to loosen the bag,' said Mehdi, who said he addressed the soldiers in English. 'But the soldiers responded, "Shut the ____ up," and hit me in the chest with the butt of their weapon.'
"After several minutes, Mehdi said, he could no longer hear his father breathe or move. 'I heard a soldier call on a radio and say, "The .... old man may be dead." US military officials apologised for his father's death and in February gave Mehdi a letter stating they were investigating," the newspaper said.
Last month, the US Army admitted that six soldiers have been charged with dereliction of duty, cruelty and maltreatment, and assault and indecent acts with another-the military's term for sexual abuse-at Abu Ghraib prison. They are among 17 soldiers from the 800th Military Police Brigade, including a battalion commander and a company commander, suspended from duties over incidents that occurred in November and December.
A week before Washington announced that the six MPs were being investigated, the US Army recommended that a marine reservist accused of killing an Iraqi prisoner not face charges or any military hearing. A second officer involved in the death is alleged to have punched, karate-kicked and dragged by the throat a prisoner in his custody.
Though the Army has refused to provide any details about the six MPs currently under investigation, it is believed that the incidents occurred some time during or after prisoners began rioting at Abu Ghraib on November 24. Three Iraqi prisoners were killed and eight seriously injured during the riots.
The soldiers face an Article 32 hearing that will decide whether the military will prosecute. It is unlikely, however, that the case will see any serious action taken against the soldiers. American troops cannot be tried in civil courts for killing civilians in Iraq. Local courts are forbidden from hearing cases against US soldiers or other foreign forces after the US-controlled governing body in Baghdad issued a directive last June.
Several human rights groups have compared conditions in US-controlled Iraqi prisons with Guantanamo Bay. In fact, Major General Geoffrey Miller, the former head of Guantanamo Bay, has recently been appointed deputy commander for detainee operations in Iraq.
Oh, indeed they have, Sanchez. That's why they hate you so much. You and your bully troops should have to face an organized professional army approximating your own rather than untrained civilians with little but courage and pride on their sides. The attempted U.S. domination of Iraq, a small Third World nation, is nothing to crow and strut about. It is a shameful episode in the history of America.
This is amusing? This is clever? This is something about which to boast? Everything I read, see or hear concerning the conduct of Americans in Iraq causes my sympathy for the Iraqi people to grow and my utter despise for the culture into which I was born to increase proportionately. Nothing is more detestable than skin-headed American youths playing excessively loud heavy metal music in one's presence and against one's will. We've all experienced that. American military personnel in Iraq seek to insult and humiliate Islamic peoples in every conceivable way. The hatred for America being engendered in Iraq by the enlisted riffraff of this homicidal army of occupation will come back to haunt generations of Americans yet unborn. I am no longer at home in the nation that spawned these sick bullies who would turn and run if they had no better weaponry or logistical support than their Iraqi foes. D. Grant Haynes April 16, 2004
This is amusing? This is clever? This is something about which to boast? Everything I read, see or hear concerning the conduct of Americans in Iraq causes my sympathy for the Iraqi people to grow and my utter despise for the culture into which I was born to increase proportionately. Nothing is more detestable than skin-headed American youths playing excessively loud heavy metal music in one's presence and against one's will. We've all experienced that. American military personnel in Iraq seek to insult and humiliate Islamic peoples in every conceivable way. The hatred for America being engendered in Iraq by the enlisted riffraff of this homicidal army of occupation will come back to haunt generations of Americans yet unborn. I am no longer at home in the nation that spawned these sick bullies who would turn and run if they had no better weaponry or logistical support than their Iraqi foes.
April 16, 2004
Our boys are doin' us proud in I-raq, ain't they! Yeah, God Bless America for bringing freedom to them infidels. It's the "Power of Pride" that's inspiring the troops to beat civilians to death, no doubt.
___________________________________________________________
April 14, 2004
The Australian
An Iraqi has died of his wounds after U.S. troops beat him with truncheons because he refused to remove a picture of wanted Shiite Muslim leader Moqtada Sadr from his car, police said today.
The motorist was stopped late yesterday by U.S. troops conducting search operations on a street in the centre of the central city of Kut, Lieutenant Mohamad Abdel Abbas said.
After the man refused to remove Sadr's picture from his car, the soldiers forced him out of the vehicle and started beating him with truncheons, he said.
U.S. troops also detained from the same area five men wearing black pants and shirts, the usual attire of Sadr's Mehdi Army militiamen and followers.
Qassem Hassan, the director of Kut general hospital, identified the man as Salem Hassan, a resident of a Kut suburb.
He said the man had died of wounds sustained in the beating.
A spokesman for the U.S.-led coalition could not confirm the incident.
Get ready for 'discovery' of these planted WMDs on the eve of Bush's reelection bid in November ________________________________________________________ New reports on U.S. planting WMDs in Iraq BASRA, IRAQ -- April 12 (MNA Iranian News Agency) -- Fifty days after the first reports that the U.S. forces were unloading weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in southern Iraq, new reports about the movement of these weapons have been disclosed. Sources in Iraq speculate that occupation forces are using the recent unrest in Iraq to divert attention from their surreptitious shipments of WMD into the country. An Iraqi source close to the Basra Governor's Office told the MNA that new information shows that a large part of the WMD, which was secretly brought to southern and western Iraq over the past month, are in containers falsely labeled as containers of the Maeresk shipping company and some consignments bearing the labels of organizations such as the Red Cross or the USAID in order to disguise them as relief shipments. The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, added that Iraqi officials including forces loyal to the Iraqi Governing Council stationed in southern Iraq have been forbidden from inspecting or supervising the transportation of these consignments. He went on to say that the occupation forces have ordered Iraqi officials to forward any questions on the issue to the coalition forces. Even the officials of the international relief organizations have informed the Iraqi officials that they would only accept responsibility for relief shipments which have been registered and managed by their organizations. The Iraqi source also confirmed the report about suspicious trucks with fake Saudi and Jordanian license plates entering Iraq at night last week, stressing that the Saudi and Jordanian border guards did not attempt to inspect the trucks but simply delivered them to the U.S. and British forces stationed on Iraq's borders. However, the source expressed ignorance whether the governments of Saudi Arabia and Jordan were aware of such movements. A professor of physics at Baghdad University also told the MNA correspondent that a group of his colleagues who are highly specialized in military, chemical and biological fields have been either bribed or threatened during the last weeks to provide written information on what they know about various programs and research centers and the possible storage of WMD equipment. The professor also said these people have been openly asked to confirm or deny the existence of research or related WMD equipment. A large number of these scientists, who are believed to be under the surveillance of U.S. intelligence operatives, have claimed that if they refuse to comply with this request, they may be killed or arrested on charges of concealing the truth if these weapons are found by the Bush administration in the future. He said that the Iraqi scientists believe their lives would be in danger if they decline to cooperate with the occupation forces, especially when they recall that senior U.S. officer Michael Peterson once said, "Iraqi scientists are at any case a threat to the U.S. administration, whether they talk or not." A source close to the Iraqi Governing Council said, "In the meantime, many suspect containers disguised as fuel supplies have been moved about by some units of the U.S. special forces. The move has been carried out under heavy security measures. Also, there are unofficial reports that the containers held biological and bacteriological toxins in liquid form. It is possible that the news about the discovery of the WMDs would be announced later." He also said that such mixtures had been used by the Saddam regime in the 1990s. The source added that some provocative actions such as the closure of Al-Hawza periodical by U.S. administrator Paul Bremer, the secret meetings between his envoys with some extremist groups who have no relations with the Iraqi Governing Council, the sudden upsurge in violence in central and southern Iraq, a number of activities which have stoked up the wrath of the prominent Shia clerics, and finally, the spate of kidnappings and the baseless charges against the Iranian charge d'affaires in Baghdad are providing the necessary smokescreen for the transportation of the WMD to their intended locations. He said they are quite aware that the White House in cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has directly tasked the Defense Department to hide these weapons. Given the recent scandals to the effect that the U.S. president was privy to the 9/11 plot, they might try to immediately announce the discovery of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq in order to overshadow the scandals and prevent a further decline of Bush's public opinion rating as the election approaches.
________________________________________________________
BASRA, IRAQ -- April 12 (MNA Iranian News Agency) -- Fifty days after the first reports that the U.S. forces were unloading weapons of mass destruction (WMD) in southern Iraq, new reports about the movement of these weapons have been disclosed.
Sources in Iraq speculate that occupation forces are using the recent unrest in Iraq to divert attention from their surreptitious shipments of WMD into the country.
An Iraqi source close to the Basra Governor's Office told the MNA that new information shows that a large part of the WMD, which was secretly brought to southern and western Iraq over the past month, are in containers falsely labeled as containers of the Maeresk shipping company and some consignments bearing the labels of organizations such as the Red Cross or the USAID in order to disguise them as relief shipments.
The source, who spoke on condition of anonymity, added that Iraqi officials including forces loyal to the Iraqi Governing Council stationed in southern Iraq have been forbidden from inspecting or supervising the transportation of these consignments. He went on to say that the occupation forces have ordered Iraqi officials to forward any questions on the issue to the coalition forces. Even the officials of the international relief organizations have informed the Iraqi officials that they would only accept responsibility for relief shipments which have been registered and managed by their organizations.
The Iraqi source also confirmed the report about suspicious trucks with fake Saudi and Jordanian license plates entering Iraq at night last week, stressing that the Saudi and Jordanian border guards did not attempt to inspect the trucks but simply delivered them to the U.S. and British forces stationed on Iraq's borders.
However, the source expressed ignorance whether the governments of Saudi Arabia and Jordan were aware of such movements.
A professor of physics at Baghdad University also told the MNA correspondent that a group of his colleagues who are highly specialized in military, chemical and biological fields have been either bribed or threatened during the last weeks to provide written information on what they know about various programs and research centers and the possible storage of WMD equipment.
The professor also said these people have been openly asked to confirm or deny the existence of research or related WMD equipment. A large number of these scientists, who are believed to be under the surveillance of U.S. intelligence operatives, have claimed that if they refuse to comply with this request, they may be killed or arrested on charges of concealing the truth if these weapons are found by the Bush administration in the future.
He said that the Iraqi scientists believe their lives would be in danger if they decline to cooperate with the occupation forces, especially when they recall that senior U.S. officer Michael Peterson once said, "Iraqi scientists are at any case a threat to the U.S. administration, whether they talk or not."
A source close to the Iraqi Governing Council said, "In the meantime, many suspect containers disguised as fuel supplies have been moved about by some units of the U.S. special forces. The move has been carried out under heavy security measures. Also, there are unofficial reports that the containers held biological and bacteriological toxins in liquid form. It is possible that the news about the discovery of the WMDs would be announced later."
He also said that such mixtures had been used by the Saddam regime in the 1990s.
The source added that some provocative actions such as the closure of Al-Hawza periodical by U.S. administrator Paul Bremer, the secret meetings between his envoys with some extremist groups who have no relations with the Iraqi Governing Council, the sudden upsurge in violence in central and southern Iraq, a number of activities which have stoked up the wrath of the prominent Shia clerics, and finally, the spate of kidnappings and the baseless charges against the Iranian charge d'affaires in Baghdad are providing the necessary smokescreen for the transportation of the WMD to their intended locations.
He said they are quite aware that the White House in cooperation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has directly tasked the Defense Department to hide these weapons. Given the recent scandals to the effect that the U.S. president was privy to the 9/11 plot, they might try to immediately announce the discovery of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq in order to overshadow the scandals and prevent a further decline of Bush's public opinion rating as the election approaches.
George Bush has legitimised terrorism By Robert Fisk The Independent 16 April 2004 -- So President George Bush tears up the Israeli-Palestinian peace plan and that's okay. Israeli settlements for Jews and Jews only on the West Bank. That's okay. Taking land from Palestinians who have owned that land for generations, that's okay. UN Security Council Resolution 242 says that land cannot be acquired by war. Forget it. That's okay. Does President George Bush actually work for al-Qa'ida? What does this mean? That George Bush cares more about his re-election than he does about the Middle East? Or that George Bush is more frightened of the Israeli lobby than he is of his own electorate. Fear not, it is the latter. His language, his narrative, his discourse on history, has been such a lie these past three weeks that I wonder why we bother to listen to his boring press conferences. Ariel Sharon, the perpetrator of the Sabra and Shatila massacre (1,700 Palestinian civilians dead) is a "man of peace" - even though the official 1993 Israeli report on the massacre said he was "personally responsible" for it. Now, Mr Bush is praising Mr Sharon's plan to steal yet more Palestinian land as a "historic and courageous act". Heaven spare us all. Give up the puny illegal Jewish settlements in Gaza and everything's okay: the theft of land by colonial settlers, the denial of any right of return to Israel by those Palestinians who lived there, that's okay. Mr Bush, who claimed he changed the Middle East by invading Iraq, says he is now changing the world by invading Iraq! Okay! Is there no one to cry "Stop! Enough!"? Two nights ago, this most dangerous man, George Bush, talked about "freedom in Iraq". Not "democracy" in Iraq. No, "democracy" was no longer mentioned. "Democracy" was simply left out of the equation. Now it was just "freedom" - freedom from Saddam rather than freedom to have elections. And what is this "freedom" supposed to involve? One group of American-appointed Iraqis will cede power to another group of American-appointed Iraqis. That will be the "historic handover" of Iraqi "sovereignty". Yes, I can well see why George Bush wants to witness a "handover" of sovereignty. "Our boys" must be out of the firing line - let the Iraqis be the sandbags. Iraqi history is already being written. In revenge for the brutal killing of four American mercenaries - for that is what they were - US Marines carried out a massacre of hundreds of women and children and guerillas in the Sunni Muslim city of Fallujah. The US military says that the vast majority of the dead were militants. Untrue, say the doctors. But the hundreds of dead, many of whom were indeed civilians, were a shameful reflection on the rabble of American soldiery who conducted these undisciplined attacks on Fallujah. Many Baghdadi Sunnis say that in the "New Iraq" - the Iraqi version, not the Paul Bremer version - Fallujah should be given the status of a new Iraqi capital. Vast areas of the Palestinian West Bank will now become Israel, courtesy of President Bush. Land which belongs to people other than Israelis must now be stolen by Israelis because it is "unrealistic" to accept otherwise. Is Mr Bush a thief? Is he a criminal? Can he be charged with abetting a criminal act? Can Iraq now claim to Kuwait that it is "unrealistic" that the Ottoman borders can be changed? Palestinian land once included all of what is now Israel. It is not, apparently, "realistic" to change this, even to two per cent? Is Saddam Hussein to be re-bottled and put back in charge of Iraq on the basis that his 1990 invasion of Kuwait was "realistic"? Or that his invasion of Iran - when we helped him try to destroy Ayatollah Khomeini's revolution - was "realistic" because he initially attacked only the Arabic-speaking (and thus "Iraqi") parts of Iran? Or, since President Bush now seems to be a history buff, are the Germans to be given back Danzig or the Sudetenland? Or Austria? Or should we perhaps recreate the colonial possessions of the past 100 years? Is it not "realistic" that the French should retake Algeria - or part of Algeria - on the basis that the people all speak French, on the basis that this was once part of the French nation? Or should the British retake Cyprus? Or Aden? Or Egypt? Shouldn't the French be allowed to take back Lebanon and Syria? Why shouldn't the British re-take America and boot out those pesky "terrorists" who oppose the rule of King George's democracy well over 200 years ago? Because this is what George Bush's lunacy and weakness can lead to. We all have lands that "God" gave us. Didn't Queen Mary die with "Calais" engraved on her heart? Doesn't Spain have a legitimate right to the Netherlands? Or Sweden the right to Norway and Denmark? Every colonial power, including Israel can put forward these preposterous demands. What Bush has actually done is give way to the crazed world of Christian Zionism. The fundamentalist Christians who support Israel's theft of the West Bank on the grounds that the state of Israel must exist there according to God's law until the second coming, believe that Jesus will return to earth and the Israelis - for this is the Bush "Christian Sundie" belief - will then have to convert to Christianity or die in the battle of Amargeddon. I kid thee not. This is the Christian fundamentalist belief, which even the Israeli embassy in Washington go along with - without comment, of course - in their weekly Christian Zionist prayer meetings. Every claim by Osama bin Laden, every statement that the United States represents Zionism and supports the theft of Arab lands will now have been proved true to millions of Arabs, even those who had no time for Bin Laden. What better recruiting sergeant could Bin Laden have than George Bush. Doesn't he realise what this means for young American soldiers in Iraq or are Israelis more important than American lives in Mesopotamia? Everything the US government has done to preserve its name as a "middle-man" in the Middle East has now been thrown away by this gutless, cowardly US President, George W Bush. That it will place his soldiers at greater risk doesn't worry him - anyway, he doesn't do funerals. That it goes against natural justice doesn't worry him. That his statements are against international law is of no consequence. And still we have to cow-tow to this man. If we are struck by al-Qa'ida it is our fault. And if 90 per cent of the population of Spain point out that they opposed the war, then they are pro-terrorists to complain that 200 of their civilians were killed by al-Qa'ida. First the Spanish complain about the war, then they are made to suffer for it - and then they are condemned as "appeasers" by the Bush regime and its craven journalists when they complain that their husbands and wives and sons did not deserve to die. If this is to be their fate, excuse me, but I would like to have a Spanish passport so that I can share the Spanish people's "cowardice"! If Mr Sharon is "historic" and "courageous", then the murderers of Hamas and Islamic Jihad will be able to claim the same. Mr Bush legitimised "terrorism" this week - and everyone who loses a limb or a life can thank him for his yellow streak. And, I fear, they can thank Mr Blair for his cowardice too.
By Robert Fisk
The Independent
16 April 2004 -- So President George Bush tears up the Israeli-Palestinian peace plan and that's okay. Israeli settlements for Jews and Jews only on the West Bank. That's okay. Taking land from Palestinians who have owned that land for generations, that's okay. UN Security Council Resolution 242 says that land cannot be acquired by war. Forget it. That's okay. Does President George Bush actually work for al-Qa'ida? What does this mean? That George Bush cares more about his re-election than he does about the Middle East? Or that George Bush is more frightened of the Israeli lobby than he is of his own electorate.
Fear not, it is the latter.
His language, his narrative, his discourse on history, has been such a lie these past three weeks that I wonder why we bother to listen to his boring press conferences. Ariel Sharon, the perpetrator of the Sabra and Shatila massacre (1,700 Palestinian civilians dead) is a "man of peace" - even though the official 1993 Israeli report on the massacre said he was "personally responsible" for it. Now, Mr Bush is praising Mr Sharon's plan to steal yet more Palestinian land as a "historic and courageous act".
Heaven spare us all. Give up the puny illegal Jewish settlements in Gaza and everything's okay: the theft of land by colonial settlers, the denial of any right of return to Israel by those Palestinians who lived there, that's okay. Mr Bush, who claimed he changed the Middle East by invading Iraq, says he is now changing the world by invading Iraq! Okay! Is there no one to cry "Stop! Enough!"?
Two nights ago, this most dangerous man, George Bush, talked about "freedom in Iraq". Not "democracy" in Iraq. No, "democracy" was no longer mentioned. "Democracy" was simply left out of the equation. Now it was just "freedom" - freedom from Saddam rather than freedom to have elections. And what is this "freedom" supposed to involve? One group of American-appointed Iraqis will cede power to another group of American-appointed Iraqis. That will be the "historic handover" of Iraqi "sovereignty". Yes, I can well see why George Bush wants to witness a "handover" of sovereignty. "Our boys" must be out of the firing line - let the Iraqis be the sandbags.
Iraqi history is already being written. In revenge for the brutal killing of four American mercenaries - for that is what they were - US Marines carried out a massacre of hundreds of women and children and guerillas in the Sunni Muslim city of Fallujah. The US military says that the vast majority of the dead were militants. Untrue, say the doctors. But the hundreds of dead, many of whom were indeed civilians, were a shameful reflection on the rabble of American soldiery who conducted these undisciplined attacks on Fallujah. Many Baghdadi Sunnis say that in the "New Iraq" - the Iraqi version, not the Paul Bremer version - Fallujah should be given the status of a new Iraqi capital.
Vast areas of the Palestinian West Bank will now become Israel, courtesy of President Bush. Land which belongs to people other than Israelis must now be stolen by Israelis because it is "unrealistic" to accept otherwise. Is Mr Bush a thief? Is he a criminal? Can he be charged with abetting a criminal act? Can Iraq now claim to Kuwait that it is "unrealistic" that the Ottoman borders can be changed? Palestinian land once included all of what is now Israel. It is not, apparently, "realistic" to change this, even to two per cent? Is Saddam Hussein to be re-bottled and put back in charge of Iraq on the basis that his 1990 invasion of Kuwait was "realistic"? Or that his invasion of Iran - when we helped him try to destroy Ayatollah Khomeini's revolution - was "realistic" because he initially attacked only the Arabic-speaking (and thus "Iraqi") parts of Iran?
Or, since President Bush now seems to be a history buff, are the Germans to be given back Danzig or the Sudetenland? Or Austria? Or should we perhaps recreate the colonial possessions of the past 100 years? Is it not "realistic" that the French should retake Algeria - or part of Algeria - on the basis that the people all speak French, on the basis that this was once part of the French nation? Or should the British retake Cyprus? Or Aden? Or Egypt? Shouldn't the French be allowed to take back Lebanon and Syria? Why shouldn't the British re-take America and boot out those pesky "terrorists" who oppose the rule of King George's democracy well over 200 years ago?
Because this is what George Bush's lunacy and weakness can lead to. We all have lands that "God" gave us.
Didn't Queen Mary die with "Calais" engraved on her heart? Doesn't Spain have a legitimate right to the Netherlands? Or Sweden the right to Norway and Denmark? Every colonial power, including Israel can put forward these preposterous demands.
What Bush has actually done is give way to the crazed world of Christian Zionism. The fundamentalist Christians who support Israel's theft of the West Bank on the grounds that the state of Israel must exist there according to God's law until the second coming, believe that Jesus will return to earth and the Israelis - for this is the Bush "Christian Sundie" belief - will then have to convert to Christianity or die in the battle of Amargeddon.
I kid thee not. This is the Christian fundamentalist belief, which even the Israeli embassy in Washington go along with - without comment, of course - in their weekly Christian Zionist prayer meetings. Every claim by Osama bin Laden, every statement that the United States represents Zionism and supports the theft of Arab lands will now have been proved true to millions of Arabs, even those who had no time for Bin Laden. What better recruiting sergeant could Bin Laden have than George Bush. Doesn't he realise what this means for young American soldiers in Iraq or are Israelis more important than American lives in Mesopotamia? Everything the US government has done to preserve its name as a "middle-man" in the Middle East has now been thrown away by this gutless, cowardly US President, George W Bush. That it will place his soldiers at greater risk doesn't worry him - anyway, he doesn't do funerals. That it goes against natural justice doesn't worry him. That his statements are against international law is of no consequence.
And still we have to cow-tow to this man. If we are struck by al-Qa'ida it is our fault. And if 90 per cent of the population of Spain point out that they opposed the war, then they are pro-terrorists to complain that 200 of their civilians were killed by al-Qa'ida. First the Spanish complain about the war, then they are made to suffer for it - and then they are condemned as "appeasers" by the Bush regime and its craven journalists when they complain that their husbands and wives and sons did not deserve to die.
If this is to be their fate, excuse me, but I would like to have a Spanish passport so that I can share the Spanish people's "cowardice"! If Mr Sharon is "historic" and "courageous", then the murderers of Hamas and Islamic Jihad will be able to claim the same. Mr Bush legitimised "terrorism" this week - and everyone who loses a limb or a life can thank him for his yellow streak. And, I fear, they can thank Mr Blair for his cowardice too.
By Barry Grey
15 April 2004
President Bush's Tuesday night prime-time news conference was a bizarre and repugnant spectacle. After hiding out for a week at his Texas ranch, while his military forces attacked men, women and children in Iraqi cities with war planes, helicopter gunships, tanks and artillery-killing and wounding thousands-and the death toll of American soldiers soared,
Bush came before the television cameras in an attempt to reassure a shaken ruling elite and stem a growing tide of popular discontent.
The political backdrop of Iraqi popular resistance and homicidal US reprisals was compounded by the mounting evidence emanating from three weeks of public hearings by the commission appointed to investigate the September 11 hijack-bombings of government negligence, if not outright complicity, in the terrorist attacks. Bush came before the American public dripping in blood from the colonial occupation of Iraq and accused by his own former counter-terrorism chief of having ignored the threat of an Al Qaeda attack within the US, and then seizing on the tragedy as the pretext for implementing long-standing plans to invade and occupy the Persian Gulf country.
Even by the dismal standard of Bush's previous few and far-between encounters with the press, Tuesday night's performance was a miserable farce. There was the usual catalogue of inanities and lies, but this time they were delivered by a haggard and distracted little man who repeatedly lost his train of thought, forgot the questions to which he was responding, and got lost in the twists and turns of rambling and evasive answers.
Sensing weakness, the normally supine White House press corps felt emboldened to ask more pointed questions, and the hapless president could do little more than rack his brain to come up with the set phrases with which his coaches had prepped him in advance of the press conference.
Given the violent and reckless thrust of US foreign policy, the resulting spectacle was more ominous than amusing.
In a 17-minute opening statement, Bush laid out the familiar framework of platitudes and lies his administration-and the entire political establishment-have used to justify the colonial subjugation of the Iraqi people. Combining the technique of the "big lie" that was the stock-in-trade of Nazi propaganda with the linguistic innovations of George Orwell's "newspeak," Bush declared that the US military occupation was the embodiment of freedom and liberty, while those Iraqis who were prepared to give their lives fighting foreign domination were criminals, enemies of civilization, and terrorist thugs.
Bush ignored the plain facts of recent events in Iraq, where tens of thousands of impoverished workers, Sunni and Shiite alike, have taken to the streets and thousands more have taken up arms to defend themselves and their families from arbitrary searches, arrests and killings, and to demand that the American military get out of their country. The US president declared that this eruption of resistance was "not a popular uprising." It was, he said, a "power grab" by "extreme and ruthless elements," whom he proceeded to link-without a shred of evidence-to major attacks of the past two decades, from the 1983 bombing of the Marine barracks in Lebanon, to 9/11, to last month's terror bombing of commuter trains in Madrid.
What is the content of this "freedom" that Bush claims the US is ordained to dispense-with missiles, bullets, and concentration camps-to the masses of the world, and which he called the gift of "God Almighty?" It is the freedom of the American corporate and financial elite to seize territories and ruthlessly exploit cheap labor and strategic natural resources, such as oil.
In another example of Washington "newspeak," Bush pledged to keep to his June 30 deadline to transfer "sovereignty" back to the Iraqi people. When asked, in the question-and-answer period, to whom precisely the US would hand over nominal political power, Bush admitted he did not know. That, he said, would be "figured out" by the United Nations envoy dispatched by Washington to work out the details of an interim government.
This, however, was clearly a secondary detail, since the "sovereign" government would be vetted by the US and would preside at the pleasure of the US military, which would continue to occupy the country for an indefinite period. Real power on the ground in Iraq would, in any event, reside in the hands of the US ambassador, who would shortly be named by Bush to hold court in a 3,000-strong fortified embassy in Baghdad.
This colonialist framework went unchallenged at the press conference-not surprisingly, since there is no disagreement within the American ruling elite and both of its parties-Democratic as well as Republican-with the basic imperialist goals of the invasion and occupation of Iraq.
Nor are there any moral qualms over the use of massive American firepower to kill and bludgeon the Iraqis into submitting to US domination. In the post-mortems on the press conference, the most bloodthirsty parts of Bush's presentation escaped criticism-namely, his pledge to increase the US military presence and use "decisive force" to maintain order. This was said even as thousands of US Marines were massing outside of Najaf, Sadr City in Baghdad, and Fallujah in preparation for new, and more brutal attacks on the insurgent populations.
The divisions and conflicts within the establishment arise over the optimum political and diplomatic means to achieve the desired goals, and the competency of the Bush administration to get the job done.
Hence the hand-wringing of the New York Times, which complained in an April 14 editorial that Bush's "responses to questions were distressingly rambling and unfocused." The media reporter for the Washington Post, Tom Shales, made the apt observation that in his opening speech, Bush "never stressed any particular point or added any emphasis." Shales continued: "He might as well have been reading letters off an eye chart."
The Post reporter quoted NBC TV journalist David Gregory, who was among the questioners in the East Room of the White House, saying the president was "filibustering at times" with his rambling responses. Bush, Shales went on to say, "at times appeared to be teetering on the very brink of confusion."
Even more indicative of the mounting crisis of the Bush administration was the verdict of William Kristol, publisher of the Republican right Weekly Standard and one of the Iraq war's most vocal proponents. "I was depressed," Kristol told the Post. "He didn't explain how we are going to win there."
Citing Bush's responses to questions on the composition of the post-June 30 interim government in Iraq ("That's what [UN envoy] Mr. Brahimi is doing") and the need for more US troops to put down the insurgency (Bush deferred the decision to General John Abizaid of the US Central Command), Kristol said, "These two statements are in my mind a failure of presidential leadership."
There was, in fact, little in Bush's performance to reassure the ruling elite. Some of his lies were so crude as to invite ridicule. For example, in the course of a meandering response to a pointed question about what the reporter called the "false premises" of the US attack on Iraq-including the absence of weapons of mass destruction-Bush lapsed into one of his standard-and by now thoroughly discredited-fictions. "The United Nations passed a Security Council resolution unanimously that said, disarm or face serious consequences. And he refused to disarm." (Emphasis added.)
In response to a question about the now-declassified and published Presidential Daily Brief (PDB) of August 6, 2001, which bore the title, "Bin Laden Determined to Strike in US," Bush reiterated the absurd claim that the warning of impending terrorist attacks on the US mainland was "mainly history" and did not contain "anything new." In the course of his response, he noted the extraordinary security precautions taken at the Group of 8 summit held less than three weeks before the August 6 PDB, and said the threat warnings surrounding that event had prompted him to ask questions about possible terrorist threats within the US.
He concluded by saying, "[H]ad I had any inkling whatsoever that the people were going to fly airplanes into buildings, we would have moved heaven and earth to save the country..."
Unfortunately for Bush, the most striking security precaution taken at the G-8 summit, as has been widely reported, was the decision to shut down air space around Genoa in order to preempt reported terrorist schemes to hijack airplanes and fly them into the summit!
By the end of the question-and-answer period, Bush's responses were growing increasingly incoherent. Asked what he considered his biggest mistake after 9/11, the president had what can fairly be described as a "Captain Queeg" moment.
Here is a portion of his reply:
"I wish you'd have given me this written question ahead of time so I could plan for it... You know, I just-I'm sure something will pop into my head here in the midst of this press conference, with all the pressure of trying to come up with answer, but it hadn't yet...
"See, I'm of the belief that we'll find out the truth on the weapons. That's why we set up the independent commission. I look forward to hearing the truth as to exactly where they are. They could still be there. They could be hidden, like the 50 tons of mustard gas in a turkey farm...
"I hope-I don't want to sound like I have made no mistakes. I'm confident I have. I just haven't-you just put me under the spot here, and maybe I'm not as quick on my feet as I should be in coming up with one."
In this babble of disorientation and reaction, one got a chilling glimpse of the toxic moral, political and intellectual state of the American ruling elite, and the profound crisis that drives its violent bid for world domination. Working people are obliged, if they are to avoid a catastrophe, to take heed and draw the necessary political conclusions.
One of those 700 deadly Iraqi "insurgents" I suppose. Aren't you Americans grateful that the kill ratio is 10-1. After all, the life of one of your Christian warriors is infinitely more important than that of any Islamic man, woman, child or infant, huh. As a nation--a collective group consciousness--you dwell in the deepest reaches of a moral abyss of unfathomable depth--one from which your groping ascent will be long, painful, and very humbling.
How in the hell were the men, women and children being buried in this soccer stadium in Fallujah, Iraq--some of more than 600 killed there in the last week by American forces--a threat to OUR security, George? It is wrong, my fellow Americans. It is very wrong and it cannot end well for you.
By James Conachy
5 April 2004
Seething resentment against the US-led occupation has exploded into a popular Shiite uprising in Baghdad and major cities across southern Iraq. At least seven American troops were killed and over 20 wounded in fighting last night in the eastern working class "Sadr City" suburbs of the capital. The US military used tanks and helicopter gun-ships to retake control of Baghdad police stations that had been seized by Iraqi militiamen loyal to the Shiite cleric Moqtada Sadr.
New York Times correspondent Jeffrey Gettleman described what happened: "At nightfall today [Sunday], the Sadr City neighbourhood shook with explosions and tank and machine gun fire. Black smoke choked the sky. The streets were lined with armed militiamen, dressed in all black. American tanks surrounded the area. Attack helicopters thundered overhead."
The situation as day breaks in Iraq remains volatile. Hundreds of militiamen are believed to be manning barricades and rooftops throughout Sadr City and American tanks and troops have taken up positions. In Kufa, near the holy Shiite city of Najaf and Sadr's place of residence, militiamen have reportedly taken control of the main government buildings and police station. Some of the local police, according to an unconfirmed AFP report, have shed their uniforms and joined the rebellion. Parts of Najaf are under the control of Sadr's militia, which is reportedly preparing to fight in Karbala, Nasiriyah and Amara. In Basra, militiamen reportedly took over the governor's offices this morning.
The uprising constitutes a staggering political crisis for the Bush administration. Every lie the White House told to justify the invasion of Iraq has now been shattered. Last April, it claimed that the columns of American tanks rolling toward Baghdad were bringing liberation to the Iraqi people, especially to the Shiite population that suffered repression under Saddam Hussein. Twelve months later, American troops are being prepared to kill or be killed in combat with hundreds of Shiite youth, who are so hostile to the occupation that they have taken up arms.
For months the Bush administration has maintained that opposition to the US-led occupation is confined to supporters of the former regime or foreign terrorists. It has insisted that the majority of the population is sympathetic to the US, that the security situation is improving and that it is developing an "exit strategy" for the 110,000 American troops still in the country.
The truth is that the White House had no political strategy when it ordered the invasion of Iraq, apart from using overwhelming force against any resistance to its agenda of seizing the country's energy resources and installing a pro-US puppet government. The brutality, arrogance and recklessness of the American actions have produced nothing but suffering, mayhem and bitterness for the vast majority of the Iraqi people.
It is not accidental that Sadr City is the centre of the unfolding events. It is home to as many as three million poverty-stricken Iraqis-mostly Shiites-who have endured over 13 years of deprivation due to the 1991 Gulf War and the following United Nations-imposed sanctions. Last year's invasion made the situation worse. Unemployment is well over 50 percent and what little infrastructure that existed before the war has been disrupted. The only services that exist are those provided by charities and organisations linked to the Shiite clergy.
On top of the guerilla war raging in Sunni Muslim cities like Fallujah and Tikrit, the wrath of the majority Shiite population is now being unleashed against the occupation forces.
The trigger for the outbreak of hostilities was the decision a week ago by Coalition Provisional Authority head Paul Bremer to begin a crackdown on supporters of Moqtada al-Sadr-a fundamentalist critic of the occupation who is demanding the withdrawal of foreign forces from Iraq and the establishment of an Islamic state. Sadr is also one of the many Shiite religious leaders who have publicly declared they will not accept as legitimate the "sovereign" Iraqi government the US is planning to install on June 30. Sadr City is his main base of support.
On March 28, in the first step toward outlawing Sadr's movement, Bremer closed down his newspaper Al Hawza, alleging it was "inciting violence." Over the course of last week, thousands of furious Sadr supporters protested.
Interpreting the closure of his paper as the first step toward his arrest, Sadr announced on Friday that he would issue a call for a citywide indefinite general strike in Baghdad if the ban on Al Hawza were not lifted. On Saturday, in a show of strength, 5,000 members of his "Mehdi Army" militia marched in military formation, but unarmed, through the streets of Baghdad. The editor of Sadr's paper told Associated Press: "It's not just a question of closing down Al Hawza. If we don't resist by all means now, they'll close our offices and ban our Friday prayers."
Later that day, Bremer pushed tensions to breaking point by ordering the arrest of Mustafa al-Yacoubi, one of Sadr's leading aides. The American military alleges he was involved in the April 2003 killing of a moderate Shiite cleric-an accusation al-Yacoubi and Sadr have both consistently denied.
Since Saturday night, the violence has steadily escalated from mass demonstrations against the arrest of Yacoubi into full-scale combat.
In Najaf, Spanish and El Salvadoran troops carried out a bloody massacre of civilians taking part in a demonstration. They fired on a crowd of over 5,000 Shiites in the streets approaching the Spanish military barracks on the outskirts of the city. At least 21 demonstrators were killed and over 200 wounded. Armed militiamen engaged the occupation forces and fighting continued for hours.
A Shiite fighter told the Washington Post: "The cowardly Spanish forces were waiting inside the hospital and shooting from the hospital roof on unarmed people. Thank God the reply has been so violent. This revolution will not calm down until the USA goes out of Iraq. Now the resistance has begun." Militiamen have already killed at least one American and one El Salvadoran soldier, and wounded a number of others.
As word spread of the events in Najaf, Sadr's followers unveiled their weapons. In Nasiriyah, Italian soldiers clashed with militiamen, while British troops came under attack in Amara. Sadr himself issued a statement declaring: "There is no use for demonstrations, as your enemy loves to terrify and suppress opinions and despises peoples. I ask you not to resort to demonstrations because they have become a losing card and we should seek other ways. Terrorise your enemy, as we cannot remain silent over its violations."
In Baghdad, United Press International reported: "The vast Shiite slum of Sadr City... went into near chaos Sunday afternoon after the news of the fighting in Najaf.... The members of Sadr's banned militia, the Mehdi Army, were seen arming themselves and preparing for combat outside Sadr's offices...
"Trucks and minibuses with license tags from all over the predominantly Shiite south of Iraq were seen streaming into Sadr City and unloading waves of young men in the black T-shirts of the Medhi Army, which has previously never openly displayed weapons banned by the occupation forces."
The militiamen seized control of at least three police stations in Sadr City, which were retaken by US troops in the fighting last night.
The mood in Shiite communities appears to be defiant. During Saturday's march in Baghdad, Mehdi militiamen chanted: "Say the word Moqtada and we will resume the 1920 Revolution"-invoking the Shiite rebellion against the British in 1920 that claimed the lives of 500 occupation troops and 6,000 Iraqis. Journalists reported that youth on the streets of Baghdad last night were yelling: "The occupation is over!" and "We are now controlled by Sadr! The Americans should stay out!"
In the clearest indication that the situation will not be brought easily under control, the main Shiite cleric, Ali al-Sistani, issued a statement late yesterday that, while appealing for calm, condemned the US-led coalition and declared that the actions of Sadr's militiamen were "legitimate."
The response in the United States has been hysterical, with calls by rightwing elements of the establishment to drown the uprising in blood. Speaking on Fox News, Lawrence S. Eagleburger, a former secretary of state in the first Bush administration, declared: "We have to start the killing... We have to do whatever it takes to put these people down." Asked by the Fox anchor if the US should assassinate Moqtada Sadr like the Israelis had murdered Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, Eagleburger responded: "I think so."
American commentators have opined that the transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi transitional government June 30 is no longer possible due to the mass unrest. Further calls are being made for more troops to be sent to impose "stability" on the country. One year after the criminal invasion of Iraq, the US occupation of the country has degenerated into an open-ended, murderous war of attrition against the Iraqi people themselves.
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Mohammed Chiyad attaches a plastic leg onto his 9-year-old granddaughter, Ibtihal Jassem, outside her home in Basra, Iraq, March 17. Born deaf and mute, Jassem not only lost her right leg in the U.S. bombing of Basra two days after the war in Iraq began, but also all seven members of her family. After she was rescued by her uncle Jaber Jouda, who found her with her right leg almost severed, Jassem has lived with her grandparents since the March 22, 2003 bombing of the Mshan neighbourhood by coalition warplanes. (AP Photo /Hussein Malla)
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Socialist Equality Party presidential candidate Van Auken calls Kerry's jobs plan 'hoax on the unemployed and giveaway for the rich' By Bill Van Auken WSWS 2 April 2004 The following is a statement by Socialist Equality Party presidential candidate Bill Van Auken in response to the "jobs plan" unveiled by Democratic presidential candidate Senator John Kerry in a March 26 speech in Detroit, Michigan. The so-called jobs plan advanced by Democratic presidential candidate Senator John Kerry last week represents a cruel hoax on the unemployed and another tax giveaway for the super-rich. While millions of jobless workers are facing foreclosure on their homes, the cutoff of health insurance, and the specter of destitution, Kerry has outlined a proposal geared to further fatten the bank accounts of America's wealthiest 1 percent. The plan centers on the premise that a 5 percent cut in corporate income tax, combined with ending the existing tax deferral on the unrepatriated overseas profits of US-based corporations, will stimulate job creation in the United States. Despite the squabbles of the Democrats and Republicans over taxes, the Kerry plan is fundamentally in line with the Bush administration's prescription of massive tax cuts for the wealthy and the corporations as the supposed means for overcoming the jobs crisis. There are no grounds for expecting any different result from a Democratic tax windfall for big business than from a Republican version of the same basic policy: trillions of dollars for the rich and millions more jobs wiped out. Kerry has toured America's devastated industrial centers delivering a stump speech in which he rails against "Benedict Arnold CEOs" and promises to "crack down on the export of American jobs." The cynicism of this right-wing populist demagogy is breathtaking. Between public appearances, the Democratic candidate has been collecting millions of dollars in campaign funds from the very same CEOs-at Citigroup, Morgan Stanley, AOL Time Warner, Goldman Sachs-who are leading the way in outsourcing jobs. His own hundreds of millions in personal assets are heavily invested in such companies. The pretense that he is going to conduct a "crackdown" on the corporate elite is laughable. In his 2,000-plus-word Detroit speech promising to create 10 million jobs over the next four years-barely more than what is needed to absorb new entrants into the labor market-Kerry made no suggestion that his administration would increase benefits to the unemployed or spend a dime on public works or job-creation programs. His entire plan is to make additional tax concessions to the corporations. There is no doubt that the bulk of this money would flow directly into the coffers of wealthy shareholders like himself. Kerry's scheme for taxing the estimated $600 billion held abroad by overseas subsidiaries of US companies would do nothing to reverse the growing trend toward outsourcing or offshoring. Decisions to relocate call centers and other back-office operations or to hire factory workers, software designers, and even architects and engineers in countries like India and China are driven not by tax policy, but by the ability of corporations to exploit labor at as little as one-tenth the cost incurred in the US. Moreover, the Kerry plan would exempt the profits made by these subsidiaries through sales in the national markets where they are located-as opposed to sales in the US-thereby creating a giant loophole that corporate tax accountants could easily exploit to avoid paying anything at all. Corporate lobbyists are already pushing for changes in the tax code to substantially reduce existing taxes on overseas profits. With business done abroad accounting for some 40 percent of the sales of the country's top 500 corporations, any final version of Kerry's proposals would probably be even more heavily weighted in favor of the financial elite. Kerry has denied that he is a protectionist, preferring to describe himself as a "competitor." This means that he merely borrows the protectionist rhetoric employed by both the extreme right and that section of the Democratic Party most closely aligned with the trade union bureaucracy, while remaining firmly committed to the interests of the transnational banks and corporations. He attempts to channel the anger of American workers over the massive destruction of jobs along reactionary nationalist lines and convince them that the problem is not capitalism, but "unpatriotic" business executives and foreign workers. The rhetoric is strictly for public consumption. On matters of basic policy, Kerry is guided by such Wall Street insiders and "free trade" advocates as Robert Rubin, the former head of Goldman Sachs who became Clinton's treasury secretary and is now a top executive at Citigroup. As the New York Times noted in a March 28 article: "Fiscal responsibility and deficit reduction, hallmarks of the Clinton years, are bedrock orthodoxy in the Kerry camp, too. So is faith in the private sector's power to generate prosperity. Job creation will come from corporate America, not the government." In short, a Kerry administration will spend next to nothing to aid the unemployed or put them back to work. The Socialist Equality Party supports neither "free trade" nor protectionism. Both are capitalist trade tactics for defending corporate interests under different economic conditions. Our party advances a radically different strategy that begins from the struggle to unify American working people with the working people of other countries in a common struggle against the transnational corporations and banks that exploit them all. Only by coordinating their struggles across national boundaries will workers in any country be able to fight against these globally mobile capitalist firms. Outsourcing and offshoring are part of a relentless and worldwide drive by the corporations and banks to increase productivity, lower the costs of production, obtain cheaper sources of labor, and grab a greater share of the global market at the expense of their competitors. These tendencies have nothing to do with the patriotism of individual CEOs, but rather are rooted in the objective contradictions of a system that produces not for human need, but for private profit. Any attempt to rein in this one aspect of capitalism while accepting the system as a whole is both futile and reactionary. As long as the massive productive forces built up by society are privately owned, developments in technology and the unprecedented global integration of production will be used as weapons to drive millions of workers out of their jobs and lower the wages and benefits of those who remain. The Socialist Equality Party advances a program that begins from the right of every working person to a job at decent wages. Our party advocates a massive public works program to guarantee employment for all those who are presently unemployed and able to work. Under conditions in which nearly 40 million American workers are either unemployed or relegated to part-time jobs, such a program is needed now. The jobless cannot afford to wait, in the vain hope that corporations will use tax cuts to hire new workers rather than boost stock dividends and make technological changes to squeeze even more productivity out of their existing workforces. There is more than ample work to be done. Successive administrations-Democratic and Republican-have slashed government spending to the point where public investment in the US has fallen to half the levels recorded in the 1960s and 1970s. As the money saved through this cost-cutting has been awarded to the rich, public facilities and basic infrastructure have badly deteriorated. A $1 trillion public works program-roughly equal to the amount in tax cuts that the Bush administration awarded to the richest 1 percent-could be utilized to build schools, low-cost housing, hospitals, libraries, museums, recreation centers, parks and modern mass transit, as well as to provide vitally needed public services, such as universal day care. Under conditions in which new technology has reduced the amount of labor required for production, the Socialist Equality Party calls for the work to be shared, so that no worker is forced onto the unemployment line. We demand a reduction in the workweek to 30 hours, while maintaining the full 40 hours pay for every worker. To protect the living standards of working people in the US from the attempt by the corporations to use competition with low-wage labor in other countries as a club, the SEP calls for a guaranteed annual income for every worker, indexed to inflation. The cutoff of extended federal unemployment benefits threatens an estimated 2 million jobless workers with the loss of all income by the middle of this year, but Kerry's plan offers them nothing. The SEP rejects a system that condemns those who have lost their jobs to destitution. We demand that laid-off workers be guaranteed their full regular wages until they are rehired at equal or greater compensation. Similar benefits must be extended to the long-term unemployed, those on welfare, and youth who are unable to obtain a decent-paying job. The resources for these socially necessary programs are at hand, but for them to be marshaled and put to use in the interests of genuine progress and equality, a fundamental reorganization of economic life is required. The present tax code must be radically restructured, turning it from a means of enriching the financial elite and big business at the expense of working people into an instrument for a far-reaching redistribution of society's wealth to those who depend upon their paychecks for a living. Taxes must be reduced for the vast majority of the population, while sharply increased for the rich. Direct taxes on accumulated fortunes-such as the estate tax-must be restored, while loopholes that allow giant corporations to evade taxes on all but a fraction of their profits must be abolished. To direct society's resources to the satisfaction of basic human needs-employment and income security, health care, housing, education-our party advocates the nationalization of the country's large financial institutions and the transformation of privately owned corporations valued at $10 billion or more into publicly owned enterprises, under the democratic control of the working people. The present economic setup, in which production is subordinated to private profit and the accumulation of personal wealth, must be replaced with a socialist system based on public ownership and democratic control of the economy. Achieving this program is possible only through the emergence of a powerful and independent mass movement of working people prepared to fight for it. Kerry's so-called jobs program is the clearest indication that relying on the victory of the Democrats in November to reverse the attacks on the working class of the past two decades is a political dead-end. The struggle against unemployment, social inequality and war can be successfully waged only through the building of an independent, mass socialist party. I am running as the Socialist Equality Party presidential candidate, and the SEP is running candidates in congressional races, to carry forward this vital task.
By Bill Van Auken
2 April 2004
The following is a statement by Socialist Equality Party presidential candidate Bill Van Auken in response to the "jobs plan" unveiled by Democratic presidential candidate Senator John Kerry in a March 26 speech in Detroit, Michigan.
The so-called jobs plan advanced by Democratic presidential candidate Senator John Kerry last week represents a cruel hoax on the unemployed and another tax giveaway for the super-rich.
While millions of jobless workers are facing foreclosure on their homes, the cutoff of health insurance, and the specter of destitution, Kerry has outlined a proposal geared to further fatten the bank accounts of America's wealthiest 1 percent.
The plan centers on the premise that a 5 percent cut in corporate income tax, combined with ending the existing tax deferral on the unrepatriated overseas profits of US-based corporations, will stimulate job creation in the United States.
Despite the squabbles of the Democrats and Republicans over taxes, the Kerry plan is fundamentally in line with the Bush administration's prescription of massive tax cuts for the wealthy and the corporations as the supposed means for overcoming the jobs crisis. There are no grounds for expecting any different result from a Democratic tax windfall for big business than from a Republican version of the same basic policy: trillions of dollars for the rich and millions more jobs wiped out.
Kerry has toured America's devastated industrial centers delivering a stump speech in which he rails against "Benedict Arnold CEOs" and promises to "crack down on the export of American jobs." The cynicism of this right-wing populist demagogy is breathtaking.
Between public appearances, the Democratic candidate has been collecting millions of dollars in campaign funds from the very same CEOs-at Citigroup, Morgan Stanley, AOL Time Warner, Goldman Sachs-who are leading the way in outsourcing jobs. His own hundreds of millions in personal assets are heavily invested in such companies. The pretense that he is going to conduct a "crackdown" on the corporate elite is laughable.
In his 2,000-plus-word Detroit speech promising to create 10 million jobs over the next four years-barely more than what is needed to absorb new entrants into the labor market-Kerry made no suggestion that his administration would increase benefits to the unemployed or spend a dime on public works or job-creation programs.
His entire plan is to make additional tax concessions to the corporations. There is no doubt that the bulk of this money would flow directly into the coffers of wealthy shareholders like himself.
Kerry's scheme for taxing the estimated $600 billion held abroad by overseas subsidiaries of US companies would do nothing to reverse the growing trend toward outsourcing or offshoring. Decisions to relocate call centers and other back-office operations or to hire factory workers, software designers, and even architects and engineers in countries like India and China are driven not by tax policy, but by the ability of corporations to exploit labor at as little as one-tenth the cost incurred in the US.
Moreover, the Kerry plan would exempt the profits made by these subsidiaries through sales in the national markets where they are located-as opposed to sales in the US-thereby creating a giant loophole that corporate tax accountants could easily exploit to avoid paying anything at all.
Corporate lobbyists are already pushing for changes in the tax code to substantially reduce existing taxes on overseas profits. With business done abroad accounting for some 40 percent of the sales of the country's top 500 corporations, any final version of Kerry's proposals would probably be even more heavily weighted in favor of the financial elite.
Kerry has denied that he is a protectionist, preferring to describe himself as a "competitor." This means that he merely borrows the protectionist rhetoric employed by both the extreme right and that section of the Democratic Party most closely aligned with the trade union bureaucracy, while remaining firmly committed to the interests of the transnational banks and corporations. He attempts to channel the anger of American workers over the massive destruction of jobs along reactionary nationalist lines and convince them that the problem is not capitalism, but "unpatriotic" business executives and foreign workers.
The rhetoric is strictly for public consumption. On matters of basic policy, Kerry is guided by such Wall Street insiders and "free trade" advocates as Robert Rubin, the former head of Goldman Sachs who became Clinton's treasury secretary and is now a top executive at Citigroup.
As the New York Times noted in a March 28 article: "Fiscal responsibility and deficit reduction, hallmarks of the Clinton years, are bedrock orthodoxy in the Kerry camp, too. So is faith in the private sector's power to generate prosperity. Job creation will come from corporate America, not the government." In short, a Kerry administration will spend next to nothing to aid the unemployed or put them back to work.
The Socialist Equality Party supports neither "free trade" nor protectionism. Both are capitalist trade tactics for defending corporate interests under different economic conditions. Our party advances a radically different strategy that begins from the struggle to unify American working people with the working people of other countries in a common struggle against the transnational corporations and banks that exploit them all. Only by coordinating their struggles across national boundaries will workers in any country be able to fight against these globally mobile capitalist firms.
Outsourcing and offshoring are part of a relentless and worldwide drive by the corporations and banks to increase productivity, lower the costs of production, obtain cheaper sources of labor, and grab a greater share of the global market at the expense of their competitors. These tendencies have nothing to do with the patriotism of individual CEOs, but rather are rooted in the objective contradictions of a system that produces not for human need, but for private profit. Any attempt to rein in this one aspect of capitalism while accepting the system as a whole is both futile and reactionary.
As long as the massive productive forces built up by society are privately owned, developments in technology and the unprecedented global integration of production will be used as weapons to drive millions of workers out of their jobs and lower the wages and benefits of those who remain.
The Socialist Equality Party advances a program that begins from the right of every working person to a job at decent wages. Our party advocates a massive public works program to guarantee employment for all those who are presently unemployed and able to work.
Under conditions in which nearly 40 million American workers are either unemployed or relegated to part-time jobs, such a program is needed now. The jobless cannot afford to wait, in the vain hope that corporations will use tax cuts to hire new workers rather than boost stock dividends and make technological changes to squeeze even more productivity out of their existing workforces.
There is more than ample work to be done. Successive administrations-Democratic and Republican-have slashed government spending to the point where public investment in the US has fallen to half the levels recorded in the 1960s and 1970s. As the money saved through this cost-cutting has been awarded to the rich, public facilities and basic infrastructure have badly deteriorated.
A $1 trillion public works program-roughly equal to the amount in tax cuts that the Bush administration awarded to the richest 1 percent-could be utilized to build schools, low-cost housing, hospitals, libraries, museums, recreation centers, parks and modern mass transit, as well as to provide vitally needed public services, such as universal day care.
Under conditions in which new technology has reduced the amount of labor required for production, the Socialist Equality Party calls for the work to be shared, so that no worker is forced onto the unemployment line. We demand a reduction in the workweek to 30 hours, while maintaining the full 40 hours pay for every worker.
To protect the living standards of working people in the US from the attempt by the corporations to use competition with low-wage labor in other countries as a club, the SEP calls for a guaranteed annual income for every worker, indexed to inflation.
The cutoff of extended federal unemployment benefits threatens an estimated 2 million jobless workers with the loss of all income by the middle of this year, but Kerry's plan offers them nothing. The SEP rejects a system that condemns those who have lost their jobs to destitution. We demand that laid-off workers be guaranteed their full regular wages until they are rehired at equal or greater compensation. Similar benefits must be extended to the long-term unemployed, those on welfare, and youth who are unable to obtain a decent-paying job.
The resources for these socially necessary programs are at hand, but for them to be marshaled and put to use in the interests of genuine progress and equality, a fundamental reorganization of economic life is required.
The present tax code must be radically restructured, turning it from a means of enriching the financial elite and big business at the expense of working people into an instrument for a far-reaching redistribution of society's wealth to those who depend upon their paychecks for a living. Taxes must be reduced for the vast majority of the population, while sharply increased for the rich. Direct taxes on accumulated fortunes-such as the estate tax-must be restored, while loopholes that allow giant corporations to evade taxes on all but a fraction of their profits must be abolished.
To direct society's resources to the satisfaction of basic human needs-employment and income security, health care, housing, education-our party advocates the nationalization of the country's large financial institutions and the
transformation of privately owned corporations valued at $10 billion or more into publicly owned enterprises, under the democratic control of the working people.
The present economic setup, in which production is subordinated to private profit and the accumulation of personal wealth, must be replaced with a socialist system based on public ownership and democratic control of the economy.
Achieving this program is possible only through the emergence of a powerful and independent mass movement of working people prepared to fight for it.
Kerry's so-called jobs program is the clearest indication that relying on the victory of the Democrats in November to reverse the attacks on the working class of the past two decades is a political dead-end. The struggle against unemployment, social inequality and war can be successfully waged only through the building of an independent, mass socialist party. I am running as the Socialist Equality Party presidential candidate, and the SEP is running candidates in congressional races, to carry forward this vital task.
The real lessons of Fallujah WSWS By Barry Grey 3 April 2004 The images beamed around the world Wednesday of enraged Iraqis in Fallujah celebrating over the mutilated corpses of American paramilitary operatives were horrific. But it must not for a moment be forgotten that they are the product of an horrific, illegal colonial war. History is replete with examples of occupied peoples, in the face of the systematic brutality and overwhelming military superiority of foreign invaders, giving vent to their indignation and outrage in such acts of retribution. No one has less of a right to adopt a posture of moral superiority than those in the American political establishment, military brass and media who are responsible for the brutalization of an entire society, carried out for the most crass and sordid economic and political ends. The US takeover of Iraq is, in every sense, a criminal enterprise. Everything connected to it is foul and degrading. It marks one of the most shameful chapters in the history of the United States. Only eight months ago, it should be recalled, the US government published photos and video clips of the dead, bullet-riddled bodies of Saddam Hussein's sons, Uday and Qusay, two days after American soldiers had gunned them down. In that case, there was nothing spontaneous about the gruesome spectacle. It was a calculated and premeditated attempt to intimidate and demoralize Iraqi opponents of the US occupation. Political leaders, Democratic and Republican alike, and all branches of the media, "liberal" no less than conservative, declare that the mountain of lies that accompanied the war must not be allowed to detract from the solemn task of completing the pacification of Iraq. In the wake of the events in Fallujah, they demand, with varying degrees of bloodthirstiness, an intensification of the killing, incarceration and terrorizing of the Iraqi people. This necessarily entails a continuous stream of new lies to compensate for the exposure of the old ones. One of the lies that was peddled in the run-up to the war was the claim that the vast majority of Iraqis would welcome a US invasion. Throngs of Iraqis would line the roads to shower the GIs with bouquets, the American public was told. It didn't take long for this myth to be exploded, as helplessly outgunned Iraqi fighters put up an unexpectedly fierce resistance in the opening days of the war, and mass protests against the US erupted within days of the American takeover of Baghdad. Since then, new myths have been concocted, including the claim that the anti-US resistance represents the sentiments of a small minority of terrorists, "Saddamists," criminals and incorrigible foes of democracy. The enemies of civilization, the story goes, are concentrated in the so-called Sunni Triangle west of Baghdad, and the worst of the lot are in Fallujah. The myriad of facts that contradict the official line are systematically suppressed by the unspeakably corrupt and venal American press. How many Americans, for example, are aware that on the same day as the killing and lynching of the four Americans in Fallujah, some 10,000 Shiite Muslims marched in Baghdad to protest the American closure of an anti-American newspaper and demand an end to the US occupation? The purpose of this grotesque distortion of the real situation in Iraq is not difficult to fathom. Those who are fighting in their own country to drive out the foreign invader are, by dint of their resistance, criminals who deserve to be, in current parlance, "killed or captured," and the very fact of their resistance justifies more repression and killing by US forces. This in a country where thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, have already been killed in the course of the present war-a measure of the US government's contempt for Iraqi life is the fact that it does not even bother to give out a count of the war dead-and countless thousands more have lost their jobs, their homes and any semblance of a decent existence. Many of the dead and injured are the victims of horrific anti-personnel bombs and missiles, dropped by the US for the express purpose of mutilating human flesh. As for the toll of Americans, the official count of US soldiers killed has now reached 600. The language and tone adopted by US officials and the media in response to the events in Fallujah leave no doubt that massive and bloody reprisals are in the offing. The US proconsul in Iraq, L. Paul Bremer, called those who killed the four Americans and gloated over their mutilated bodies, "ghouls and cowards." Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt in Baghdad said the people of Fallujah "just don't get it," labeled them as "bestial," and declared the US military response would be "precise" and "overwhelming". Rupert Murdoch's New York Post ran an editorial that branded the crowds in Fallujah as "thugs," "savages," and "cold-blooded, ruthless barbarians". It accused the Associated Press, which distributed the video and photos of the attacks on the American corpses, of being in league with the insurgents. The Wall Street Journal editorialized that all those caught on film in Wednesday's events should be rounded up and "visibly" punished, with irregular combatants brought before military tribunals and publicly executed. The newspaper demanded as well that the US occupation authority crack down on radical anti-American Shiite clerics and their followers. The Journal's online edition carried a commentary by regular columnist Peggy Noonan, calling the teenagers who cheered under the bridge where the charred remains of two of the Americans were hung "human expressions of nihilism," and demanding that the US marines go into Fallujah, "arrest or kill" the youth, and blow up the bridge. The Washington Post's language was more restrained, but its message was essentially the same. It called for US commanders to "step up the counteroffensive against the Sunni insurgency" and disband the Shiite militia of the anti-American cleric, Moqtada Sadr. It praised Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry for solidarizing himself with the Bush administration on the war and declaring, "[W]e are united in our resolve that these enemies will not prevail." The line of the Post, that more US troops are needed in Iraq, is increasingly the line of the Democratic Party, which has adopted a posture of unqualified support for the occupation and focused its criticisms of the Bush administration's war policy on complaints that the White House is being too timid in the application of military force. In line with the preparations for an intensification of US military violence, the White House issued a public warning to the media to further censor its coverage of the Iraqi conflict. At his press briefing on Wednesday, White House spokesman Scott McClellan enjoined news organizations to "act responsibly in their coverage". Among the few objective accounts in the press was a piece published Friday in the British Guardian newspaper by Jonathan Steele. Writing from Fallujah, Steele provided an account of the brutal actions taken by the marines in the days that preceded Wednesday's eruption of popular hatred. "But as residents ushered reporters into their homes a few days ago," he wrote, "shortly before this week's attack on four American security guards (though mercenaries might be a better term), it was clear that deep communal anger was lurking here, and had reached the boiling point. They wanted to show the results of several US incursions over four days and nights last week. "Rockets from helicopter gunships had punctured bedroom walls. Patio floors and front gates were pockmarked by shrapnel. Car doors looked like sieves. In the mayhem 18 Iraqis lay dead. On the American side two marines were killed. It was the worst period of violence Fallujah has seen during a year of occupation. "So this week's retaliation comes as no surprise. The cycle of violence that US troops unleashed looks and feels increasingly like Palestinian rage in the face of excessive force by an occupying power." Calling the American response to Iraqi resistance "heavy-handed and indiscriminate," Steele went on to describe "the chaos the marines left after sleeping in [a Fallujah resident's] house. Cupboards were ransacked, a computer had gone, and empty brown bags which once contained army rations littered every room. He was particularly upset at finding them in his teenage sister's bedroom." Steele concluded: "Not many of Fallujah's people are former Baathist loyalists, as the Americans say, nor have the Americans produced evidence of large numbers of foreign 'jihadists.' They are ordinary families, driven by nationalist pride, and increasingly by a desire to retaliate when their homes and neighbourhoods are violated and their relatives and friends killed." In point of fact, the people of Fallujah have borne the brunt of the US-led vendetta against Iraq for more than a decade. In the first Gulf War of 1991, a British jet dropped a bomb on the town, killing 200 civilians. In the current war, Fallujah was the site of the first major massacre committed by US forces after the fall of Baghdad. On April 28, 2003, US troops fired into a crowd of unarmed protesters, killing 13. Two days later troops fired on a second demonstration, killing another 3 Fallujah residents. In between these atrocities, the people of Fallujah suffered under the brutal 12-year regime of sanctions imposed at the behest of Washington. The denial of food, medical supplies and other necessities took an incalculable toll on Iraqi society, killing, according to United Nations estimates, more than a million people, including hundreds of thousands of children. As for the four Americans killed in downtown Fallujah on Wednesday, the media designation "civilian contractors" is highly, and deliberately, misleading. They were mercenaries, among the 15,000 soldiers of fortune who have poured into Iraq under contracts granted by the US occupation authority to private paramilitary security firms. These four were employees of Blackwater Security Consulting, a subsidiary of Blackwater USA. The vast majority of these privatized soldiers are veterans of various special operations outfits in the US military. They are invariably armed when carrying out their duties in Iraq. Blackwater, founded by two Navy SEAL veterans, owns a 6,000-acre compound in northeastern North Carolina, where both private mercenaries and US military personnel receive specialized training in counter-insurgency techniques. Blackwater signed a $35.7 million contract to train US Navy personnel in 2002. It is currently training Chilean commandos who served under the fascist dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet for service in Iraq. Of the four Blackwater men killed in Fallujah, one has been identified as an Army veteran, and another as a former Navy SEAL. According to the company, they were employed to escort food convoys to US troops in the Fallujah area. Why they were driving two SUVs on their own in the town center on Wednesday has not been explained. The Guardian article quoted above carries the subtitle: "The US is creating its own Iraqi Gaza." The comparison between the methods of the US in Iraq and those of Israel in the Gaza Strip and West Bank is apt. In the coming days and weeks the methods of mass reprisal, assassination and exemplary punishment will become all the more commonplace as the US seeks to crush the deep-going and broad opposition of the Iraqi people to a savage colonial occupation. As is being said with increasing frequency and openness in the press, the prospect is for years, if not decades, of such bloodletting. The implications for the people of the Middle East and well beyond-not least, the American people-are incalculable and ultimately catastrophic. The events of this week in Fallujah underscore the necessity for an independent movement of the American and international working class against war and the imperialist system that breeds it.
3 April 2004
The images beamed around the world Wednesday of enraged Iraqis in Fallujah celebrating over the mutilated corpses of American paramilitary operatives were horrific. But it must not for a moment be forgotten that they are the product of an horrific, illegal colonial war. History is replete with examples of occupied peoples, in the face of the systematic brutality and overwhelming military superiority of foreign invaders, giving vent to their indignation and outrage in such acts of retribution.
No one has less of a right to adopt a posture of moral superiority than those in the American political establishment, military brass and media who are responsible for the brutalization of an entire society, carried out for the most crass and sordid economic and political ends. The US takeover of Iraq is, in every sense, a criminal enterprise. Everything connected to it is foul and degrading. It marks one of the most shameful chapters in the history of the United States.
Only eight months ago, it should be recalled, the US government published photos and video clips of the dead, bullet-riddled bodies of Saddam Hussein's sons, Uday and Qusay, two days after American soldiers had gunned them down. In that case, there was nothing spontaneous about the gruesome spectacle. It was a calculated and premeditated attempt to intimidate and demoralize Iraqi opponents of the US occupation.
Political leaders, Democratic and Republican alike, and all branches of the media, "liberal" no less than conservative, declare that the mountain of lies that accompanied the war must not be allowed to detract from the solemn task of completing the pacification of Iraq. In the wake of the events in Fallujah, they demand, with varying degrees of bloodthirstiness, an intensification of the killing, incarceration and terrorizing of the Iraqi people.
This necessarily entails a continuous stream of new lies to compensate for the exposure of the old ones. One of the lies that was peddled in the run-up to the war was the claim that the vast majority of Iraqis would welcome a US invasion. Throngs of Iraqis would line the roads to shower the GIs with bouquets, the American public was told. It didn't take long for this myth to be exploded, as helplessly outgunned Iraqi fighters put up an unexpectedly fierce resistance in the opening days of the war, and mass protests against the US erupted within days of the American takeover of Baghdad.
Since then, new myths have been concocted, including the claim that the anti-US resistance represents the sentiments of a small minority of terrorists, "Saddamists," criminals and incorrigible foes of democracy. The enemies of civilization, the story goes, are concentrated in the so-called Sunni Triangle west of Baghdad, and the worst of the lot are in Fallujah.
The myriad of facts that contradict the official line are systematically suppressed by the unspeakably corrupt and venal American press. How many Americans, for example, are aware that on the same day as the killing and lynching of the four Americans in Fallujah, some 10,000 Shiite Muslims marched in Baghdad to protest the American closure of an anti-American newspaper and demand an end to the US occupation?
The purpose of this grotesque distortion of the real situation in Iraq is not difficult to fathom. Those who are fighting in their own country to drive out the foreign invader are, by dint of their resistance, criminals who deserve to be, in current parlance, "killed or captured," and the very fact of their resistance justifies more repression and killing by US forces.
This in a country where thousands, perhaps tens of thousands, have already been killed in the course of the present war-a measure of the US government's contempt for Iraqi life is the fact that it does not even bother to give out a count of the war dead-and countless thousands more have lost their jobs, their homes and any semblance of a decent existence. Many of the dead and injured are the victims of horrific anti-personnel bombs and missiles, dropped by the US for the express purpose of mutilating human flesh. As for the toll of Americans, the official count of US soldiers killed has now reached 600.
The language and tone adopted by US officials and the media in response to the events in Fallujah leave no doubt that massive and bloody reprisals are in the offing. The US proconsul in Iraq, L. Paul Bremer, called those who killed the four Americans and gloated over their mutilated bodies, "ghouls and cowards." Brig. Gen. Mark Kimmitt in Baghdad said the people of Fallujah "just don't get it," labeled them as "bestial," and declared the US military response would be "precise" and "overwhelming".
Rupert Murdoch's New York Post ran an editorial that branded the crowds in Fallujah as "thugs," "savages," and "cold-blooded, ruthless barbarians". It accused the Associated Press, which distributed the video and photos of the attacks on the American corpses, of being in league with the insurgents.
The Wall Street Journal editorialized that all those caught on film in Wednesday's events should be rounded up and "visibly" punished, with irregular combatants brought before military tribunals and publicly executed. The newspaper demanded as well that the US occupation authority crack down on radical anti-American Shiite clerics and their followers.
The Journal's online edition carried a commentary by regular columnist Peggy Noonan, calling the teenagers who cheered under the bridge where the charred remains of two of the Americans were hung "human expressions of nihilism," and demanding that the US marines go into Fallujah, "arrest or kill" the youth, and blow up the bridge.
The Washington Post's language was more restrained, but its message was essentially the same. It called for US commanders to "step up the counteroffensive against the Sunni insurgency" and disband the Shiite militia of the anti-American cleric, Moqtada Sadr. It praised Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry for solidarizing himself with the Bush administration on the war and declaring, "[W]e are united in our resolve that these enemies will not prevail."
The line of the Post, that more US troops are needed in Iraq, is increasingly the line of the Democratic Party, which has adopted a posture of unqualified support for the occupation and focused its criticisms of the Bush administration's war policy on complaints that the White House is being too timid in the application of military force.
In line with the preparations for an intensification of US military violence, the White House issued a public warning to the media to further censor its coverage of the Iraqi conflict. At his press briefing on Wednesday, White House spokesman Scott
McClellan enjoined news organizations to "act responsibly in their coverage".
Among the few objective accounts in the press was a piece published Friday in the British Guardian newspaper by Jonathan Steele. Writing from Fallujah, Steele provided an account of the brutal actions taken by the marines in the days that preceded Wednesday's eruption of popular hatred. "But as residents ushered reporters into their homes a few days ago," he wrote, "shortly before this week's attack on four American security guards (though mercenaries might be a better term), it was clear that deep communal anger was lurking here, and had reached the boiling point. They wanted to show the results of several US incursions over four days and nights last week.
"Rockets from helicopter gunships had punctured bedroom walls. Patio floors and front gates were pockmarked by shrapnel. Car doors looked like sieves. In the mayhem 18 Iraqis lay dead. On the American side two marines were killed. It was the worst period of violence Fallujah has seen during a year of occupation.
"So this week's retaliation comes as no surprise. The cycle of violence that US troops unleashed looks and feels increasingly like Palestinian rage in the face of excessive force by an occupying power."
Calling the American response to Iraqi resistance "heavy-handed and indiscriminate," Steele went on to describe "the chaos the marines left after sleeping in [a Fallujah resident's] house. Cupboards were ransacked, a computer had gone, and empty brown bags which once contained army rations littered every room. He was particularly upset at finding them in his teenage sister's bedroom."
Steele concluded: "Not many of Fallujah's people are former Baathist loyalists, as the Americans say, nor have the Americans produced evidence of large numbers of foreign 'jihadists.' They are ordinary families, driven by nationalist pride, and increasingly by a desire to retaliate when their homes and neighbourhoods are violated and their relatives and friends killed."
In point of fact, the people of Fallujah have borne the brunt of the US-led vendetta against Iraq for more than a decade. In the first Gulf War of 1991, a British jet dropped a bomb on the town, killing 200 civilians. In the current war, Fallujah was the site of the first major massacre committed by US forces after the fall of Baghdad. On April 28, 2003, US troops fired into a crowd of unarmed protesters, killing 13. Two days later troops fired on a second demonstration, killing another 3 Fallujah residents.
In between these atrocities, the people of Fallujah suffered under the brutal 12-year regime of sanctions imposed at the behest of Washington. The denial of food, medical supplies and other necessities took an incalculable toll on Iraqi society, killing, according to United Nations estimates, more than a million people, including hundreds of thousands of children.
As for the four Americans killed in downtown Fallujah on Wednesday, the media designation "civilian contractors" is highly, and deliberately, misleading. They were mercenaries, among the 15,000 soldiers of fortune who have poured into Iraq under contracts granted by the US occupation authority to private paramilitary security firms. These four were employees of Blackwater Security Consulting, a subsidiary of Blackwater USA. The vast majority of these privatized soldiers are veterans of various special operations outfits in the US military. They are invariably armed when carrying out their duties in Iraq.
Blackwater, founded by two Navy SEAL veterans, owns a 6,000-acre compound in northeastern North Carolina, where both private mercenaries and US military personnel receive specialized training in counter-insurgency techniques. Blackwater signed a $35.7 million contract to train US Navy personnel in 2002. It is currently training Chilean commandos who served under the fascist dictatorship of Gen. Augusto Pinochet for service in Iraq.
Of the four Blackwater men killed in Fallujah, one has been identified as an Army veteran, and another as a former Navy SEAL. According to the company, they were employed to escort food convoys to US troops in the Fallujah area. Why they were driving two SUVs on their own in the town center on Wednesday has not been explained.
The Guardian article quoted above carries the subtitle: "The US is creating its own Iraqi Gaza." The comparison between the methods of the US in Iraq and those of Israel in the Gaza Strip and West Bank is apt. In the coming days and weeks the methods of mass reprisal, assassination and exemplary punishment will become all the more commonplace as the US seeks to crush the deep-going and broad opposition of the Iraqi people to a savage colonial occupation.
As is being said with increasing frequency and openness in the press, the prospect is for years, if not decades, of such bloodletting. The implications for the people of the Middle East and well beyond-not least, the American people-are incalculable and ultimately catastrophic. The events of this week in Fallujah underscore the necessity for an independent movement of the American and international working class against war and the imperialist system that breeds it.
Iraq's missing WMDs--Bush, media share an inside joke By Bill Van Auken WSWS 26 March 2004 President George W. Bush was the star performer at the 60th annual Radio and Television Correspondents' Association dinner held in Washington, DC Thursday night. Bush spent ten minutes doing a stand-up comic routine for the assembled officials and members of the media elite. The running gag centered on a slide show presentation of pictures of the US president in awkward poses-peering under a table, leaning to look out a window, etc. To appreciative laughter and applause from the poodles of the Washington press corps, Bush accompanied the pictures with a narration that consisted of: "Those weapons of mass destruction have got to be somewhere...Nope, no weapons over there... Maybe under here." Such banter between the powerful and those who cover them in the media generally consists of inside jokes, and this was no exception. Just over a year ago, the Bush administration launched its unprovoked war against Iraq, claiming it was an act of self-defense against a supposedly imminent danger posed by a vast stockpile of "weapons of mass destruction" in the hands of Saddam Hussein. The inside joke is that this was a bald-faced lie, and everyone at the black-tie media affair where Bush put on his routine knew it. On March 19, 2003, Bush announced his war in a televised address to the American people, declaring: "Our nation enters this conflict reluctantly, yet our purpose is sure. The people of the United States and our friends and allies will not live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace with weapons of mass murder." One year later, it is universally acknowledged that there were no such weapons in Iraq. Whatever such arms the Saddam Hussein regime once obtained-in large measure thanks to the support of Washington and London-had been destroyed more than a decade earlier. The administration's allegations of a Saddam Hussein-Al Qaeda connection were likewise exposed as spurious. The administration had come to power-as an increasing number of ex-Bush aides are now admitting-with the intention of conquering Iraq and its vast oil reserves, and set about finding a pretext for carrying out a war of aggression. The media willingly obliged by parroting the government's charges and floating one false story after another, many of them based on the self-serving fabrications of Iraqi exiles. No serious attempt was made by any of the major media outlets to subject the administration's claims about Iraqi WMD to critical scrutiny. Instead, both broadcast news and the print media functioned as semi-official organs of war propaganda. That is why the tuxedoed correspondents and media personalities present for Bush's performance could so easily share in the laughter. The Democratic Party was also in on the joke from the outset. Leading Democratic politicians-including the party's current presidential nominee, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts-assured with their votes that the administration received authorization for launching its war. Now Kerry claims he was "misled" and he had truly believed that the likes of Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld would only choose war as a "last resort." That perhaps is the greatest joke of all. He and other Democrats have happily joined in the debate about "intelligence failures," when they all were well aware the administration was lying and had decided to invade Iraq for reasons that had nothing to do with WMD. Bush's humor-according to numerous accounts of those who have endured him up close and personal-is not known to be good-natured. The president is a bully and a sadist. There is generally someone who feels the string of serving as the butt of his jokes. At whose expense did he deliver his "funny" remarks about WMD? The candidates are legion. There is first and foremost the people of Iraq. The phony US claims about weapons stockpiles were used to justify US aggression not just by the current administration, but its Democratic predecessor as well. They served as the principal pretext for maintaining a decade-long economic embargo that UN aid officials described as "genocidal." The denial of essential food, medicines and supplies to maintain Iraq's infrastructure is estimated to have cost 1 million lives, over half of them children. Over the past year, the US war and occupation have killed and maimed tens of thousands more Iraqis and left the country in ruins. Nearly 600 US soldiers have been killed in this war, while thousands more have returned from Iraq with grievous wounds, hundreds having lost arms, legs or eyes, while others have suffered brain injuries or severe psychological trauma. It seems doubtful that the families of these slain and wounded soldiers would find the president's jokes all that amusing. The day before Bush performed his comedy routine in Washington, Jill Kiehl attended a memorial service at a cemetery in Center Point, Texas, a town about 35 miles northwest of San Antonio. She was there with her ten-month-old son, Nathaniel, who was born seven weeks after his father, James Kiehl, was killed in Iraq. The 22-year-old soldier was one of the 11 members of the 507th Maintenance Company who lost their lives in an ambush after their convoy took a wrong turn in the southern Iraq city of Nassiriya. The incident was the bloodiest in the initial invasion and is largely remembered for the capture and then recovery of Jessica Lynch. "The evidence that's starting to come out now feels like he (Bush) was misleading us," Kiehl told reporters as she stood by her husband's grave. "It's almost as though he had things fixed so it would look like he needed to go to war." Describing herself as "bitter" about Bush's decision to declare war on Iraq, she added: "It's upsetting that he (Bush) would have lied to America to get what he wanted. In a way, it's like he used people. That's how I feel. I think the reasons for going over there were bogus and misleading." The vast majority of Americans would not have found Bush's "comedy" routine entertaining. It took a special, fawning audience composed of those in the media who served as collaborators in the mass deception used to drag the American people into war. For American working people who live well outside the incestuous loop of government officials and media figures represented at the Washington dinner, the launching of an illegal war on the basis of lies is a matter of deadly seriousness, and, in not a few cases, personal tragedy.
26 March 2004
President George W. Bush was the star performer at the 60th annual Radio and Television Correspondents' Association dinner held in Washington, DC Thursday night.
Bush spent ten minutes doing a stand-up comic routine for the assembled officials and members of the media elite. The running gag centered on a slide show presentation of pictures of the US president in awkward poses-peering under a table, leaning to look out a window, etc.
To appreciative laughter and applause from the poodles of the Washington press corps, Bush accompanied the pictures with a narration that consisted of: "Those weapons of mass destruction have got to be somewhere...Nope, no weapons over there... Maybe under here."
Such banter between the powerful and those who cover them in the media generally consists of inside jokes, and this was no exception. Just over a year ago, the Bush administration launched its unprovoked war against Iraq, claiming it was an act of self-defense against a supposedly imminent danger posed by a vast stockpile of "weapons of mass destruction" in the hands of Saddam Hussein.
The inside joke is that this was a bald-faced lie, and everyone at the black-tie media affair where Bush put on his routine knew it.
On March 19, 2003, Bush announced his war in a televised address to the American people, declaring: "Our nation enters this conflict reluctantly, yet our purpose is sure. The people of the United States and our friends and allies will not live at the mercy of an outlaw regime that threatens the peace with weapons of mass murder."
One year later, it is universally acknowledged that there were no such weapons in Iraq. Whatever such arms the Saddam Hussein regime once obtained-in large measure thanks to the support of Washington and London-had been destroyed more than a decade earlier. The administration's allegations of a Saddam Hussein-Al Qaeda connection were likewise exposed as spurious.
The administration had come to power-as an increasing number of ex-Bush aides are now admitting-with the intention of conquering Iraq and its vast oil reserves, and set about finding a pretext for carrying out a war of aggression.
The media willingly obliged by parroting the government's charges and floating one false story after another, many of them based on the self-serving fabrications of Iraqi exiles. No serious attempt was made by any of the major media outlets to subject the administration's claims about Iraqi WMD to critical scrutiny. Instead, both broadcast news and the print media functioned as semi-official organs of war propaganda.
That is why the tuxedoed correspondents and media personalities present for Bush's performance could so easily share in the laughter.
The Democratic Party was also in on the joke from the outset. Leading Democratic politicians-including the party's current presidential nominee, Senator John Kerry of Massachusetts-assured with their votes that the administration received authorization for launching its war. Now Kerry claims he was "misled" and he had truly believed that the likes of Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld would only choose war as a "last resort." That perhaps is the greatest joke of all.
He and other Democrats have happily joined in the debate about "intelligence failures," when they all were well aware the administration was lying and had decided to invade Iraq for reasons that had nothing to do with WMD.
Bush's humor-according to numerous accounts of those who have endured him up close and personal-is not known to be good-natured. The president is a bully and a sadist. There is generally someone who feels the string of serving as the butt of his jokes.
At whose expense did he deliver his "funny" remarks about WMD?
The candidates are legion. There is first and foremost the people of Iraq. The phony US claims about weapons stockpiles were used to justify US aggression not just by the current administration, but its Democratic predecessor as well. They served as the principal pretext for maintaining a decade-long economic embargo that UN aid officials described as "genocidal." The denial of essential food, medicines and supplies to maintain Iraq's infrastructure is estimated to have cost 1 million lives, over half of them children.
Over the past year, the US war and occupation have killed and maimed tens of thousands more Iraqis and left the country in ruins.
Nearly 600 US soldiers have been killed in this war, while thousands more have returned from Iraq with grievous wounds, hundreds having lost arms, legs or eyes, while others have suffered brain injuries or severe psychological trauma. It seems doubtful that the families of these slain and wounded soldiers would find the president's jokes all that amusing.
The day before Bush performed his comedy routine in Washington, Jill Kiehl attended a memorial service at a cemetery in Center Point, Texas, a town about 35 miles northwest of San Antonio. She was there with her ten-month-old son, Nathaniel, who was born seven weeks after his father, James Kiehl, was killed in Iraq. The 22-year-old soldier was one of the 11 members of the 507th Maintenance Company who lost their lives in an ambush after their convoy took a wrong turn in the southern Iraq city of Nassiriya. The incident was the bloodiest in the initial invasion and is largely remembered for the capture and then recovery of Jessica Lynch.
"The evidence that's starting to come out now feels like he (Bush) was misleading us," Kiehl told reporters as she stood by her husband's grave. "It's almost as though he had things fixed so it would look like he needed to go to war."
Describing herself as "bitter" about Bush's decision to declare war on Iraq, she added: "It's upsetting that he (Bush) would have lied to America to get what he wanted. In a way, it's like he used people. That's how I feel. I think the reasons for going over there were bogus and misleading."
The vast majority of Americans would not have found Bush's "comedy" routine entertaining. It took a special, fawning audience composed of those in the media who served as collaborators in the mass deception used to drag the American people into war.
For American working people who live well outside the incestuous loop of government officials and media figures represented at the Washington dinner, the launching of an illegal war on the basis of lies is a matter of deadly seriousness, and, in not a few cases, personal tragedy.
March 22, 2004
(From Associated Press reports)
GAZA CITY, Gaza Strip - Sheik Ahmed Yassin, the founder and leader of Hamas, the militant group that has targeted Israelis in suicide bombings, was killed by missiles fired from Israeli helicopters as he left a mosque early Monday...
Tens of thousands of Gaza residents, many of them in tears, poured into the streets after Hamas announced the death of the quadriplegic Yassin... .
Palestinians didn't stoke the ovens at Auschwitz-Birkenau or unload the box cars at Dachau but they have had to pay the price for more than half a century for the sins of Nazi Germans whose grandchildren enjoy unfettered prosperity in an invigorated German state.
The United States has armed, protected and nurtured the Zionist state of Israel since 1948 and what a monster this child begotten of Western compassion over the Holocaust has become.
Boasting hundreds of nuclear weapons and bristling with American-made helicopter gunships and other killing machines denied all Arab nations, she challenges the world in her determination to continue to mete out high tech murder on Palestinians with impunity.
The Zionist state should never have been created in the first place, and most certainly should not have been propagated, protected, groomed and armed to the hilt by the West.
The Jewish nation should be scattered over the face of the earth as before. The world is safer that way.
And where do the Zionists acquire the attack helicopters with which they murder Palestinians daily? You helped pay for them, Americans. (See the following excerpt from an Israeli Air Force web site.) ________________________________________________ Boeing AH-64A Apache -- Hebrew nickname: 'Peten' ('Adder') A twin seat combat helicopter for day and night fighting, especially against ground targets such as tanks and SAMs. Its main contribution is in routine security operations in Lebanon and in attack sorties like the ones carried out against Hizballah targets in Beirut. The IAF (Israeli Air Force) evaluates the Apache In 1983, the Apache was still under development, and its manufacturer, Hughes, was looking for a way to test its performance in action. The company contacted the IAF, and asked to conduct the experiment in Israel. The IAF agreed, and on June 9th the experimental Apache arrived in Israel, and promptly joined the Cobra squadron. Besides the American pilots, three IAF pilots were chosen to test the helicopter: a pilot from the IAF's Flight Test Center, the commander of the Cobra Squadron, and another pilot from the squadron. The experiment lasted one month, during which the Israeli pilots accumulated 50 flight hours on the Apache. Technical and operational evaluations were carried out, as well as weapons tests, including firing a live Hellfire missile. Emphasis was placed on testing the Apache's FLIR night vision system. The pilots tried flying the helicopter at night, using systems that they had been previously unfamiliar with. At the end of the series of tests, the IAF test pilots recommended purchasing the Apache. An Israeli delegation arrived at USAFB Fort Rucker, Al., for additional evaluation of the chopper. The purpose of the visit was to get a more thorough impression of the Apache, and verify that the performance specs reported by the manufacturer were indeed fully realistic. "In the US, we found that everything we had previously known about the Apache was accurate", recalls Col. (res.) Har'el, who headed the delegation. "Our final conclusion was that the helicopter gives a solution for the IAF's combat needs, and that purchasing it would be a true breakthrough in terms of attack capability and coordinated missions. For us - the Apache was everything you ever dreamed about, and never dared to ask for" Two months later, in January of 1989, the delegation handed the IAF Commander a detailed report, in which its members affirmed that the helicopter was indeed an excellent choice for Heyl Ha'avir. On January 17th 1990, the crew assigned to oversee the Apache's entry into the IAF went out to Fort Rucker, in order to retrain on the Apache and bring the choppers to Israel. The crew was led by Col. Moshe, the Cobra Squadron's commander, who was chosen to be the first Apache squadron's commander. A deal was signed for purchasing 18 A model Apaches, Hellfire missiles, and a maintenance package. The Apaches land in Israel The first two Apaches arrived in Israel in the cargo bay of an El Al Boeing 747, on the night of September 12th 1990. The helicopters' official welcoming ceremony had been set for the following day, and they were assembled at a record time of 11 hours - half of the time specified for assembly by the manufacturer. The Apaches made it on time to the ceremony, and received the Hebrew name 'Peten' (Adder). A gift of Apaches On the night of September 12th 1993, three years to the day from the establishment of the first Apache squadron, four American Galaxy C-5s landed in an IAF base, carrying 24 Apache AH-64A helicopters, which had been given to Israel as a gift. The Galaxy C-5s landed, one by one, at intervals of two hours, each discharging its cargo of Apaches onto an offload ramp. The entire off loading operation was over in 12 hours, and the Apaches were towed from the runway to the section of the base that houses the Maintenance Squadron. A second Apache squadron is born A short time after the Apaches arrived from the USA, it was decided to establish a second Apache squadron. The new choppers were stored in an IAF base in southern Israel, while the first Apache squadron carried out a large scale training project for the young pilots, fresh out of the Pilot Training Course and the Advanced Training Course who would fly the Apaches. The second squadron was inaugurated on March 22nd 1995, once the new Apaches - and their new pilots - had been readied for service.
And where do the Zionists acquire the attack helicopters with which they murder Palestinians daily? You helped pay for them, Americans. (See the following excerpt from an Israeli Air Force web site.)
________________________________________________
Boeing AH-64A Apache -- Hebrew nickname: 'Peten' ('Adder')
A twin seat combat helicopter for day and night fighting, especially against ground targets such as tanks and SAMs. Its main contribution is in routine security operations in Lebanon and in attack sorties like the ones carried out against Hizballah targets in Beirut.
The IAF (Israeli Air Force) evaluates the Apache
In 1983, the Apache was still under development, and its manufacturer, Hughes, was looking for a way to test its performance in action. The company contacted the IAF, and asked to conduct the experiment in Israel. The IAF agreed, and on June 9th the experimental Apache arrived in Israel, and promptly joined the Cobra squadron. Besides the American pilots, three IAF pilots were chosen to test the helicopter: a pilot from the IAF's Flight Test Center, the commander of the Cobra Squadron, and another pilot from the squadron.
The experiment lasted one month, during which the Israeli pilots accumulated 50 flight hours on the Apache. Technical and operational evaluations were carried out, as well as weapons tests, including firing a live Hellfire missile.
Emphasis was placed on testing the Apache's FLIR night vision system. The pilots tried flying the helicopter at night, using systems that they had been previously unfamiliar with. At the end of the series of tests, the IAF test pilots recommended purchasing the Apache. An Israeli delegation arrived at USAFB Fort Rucker, Al., for additional evaluation of the chopper. The purpose of the visit was to get a more thorough impression of the Apache, and verify that the performance specs reported by the manufacturer were indeed fully realistic.
"In the US, we found that everything we had previously known about the Apache was accurate", recalls Col. (res.) Har'el, who headed the delegation. "Our final conclusion was that the helicopter gives a solution for the IAF's combat needs, and that purchasing it would be a true breakthrough in terms of attack capability and coordinated missions. For us - the Apache was everything you ever dreamed about, and never dared to ask for"
Two months later, in January of 1989, the delegation handed the IAF Commander a detailed report, in which its members affirmed that the helicopter was indeed an excellent choice for Heyl Ha'avir. On January 17th 1990, the crew assigned to oversee the Apache's entry into the IAF went out to Fort Rucker, in order to retrain on the Apache and bring the choppers to Israel. The crew was led by Col. Moshe, the Cobra Squadron's commander, who was chosen to be the first Apache squadron's commander. A deal was signed for purchasing 18 A model Apaches, Hellfire missiles, and a maintenance package.
The Apaches land in Israel
The first two Apaches arrived in Israel in the cargo bay of an El Al Boeing 747, on the night of September 12th 1990. The helicopters' official welcoming ceremony had been set for the following day, and they were assembled at a record time of 11 hours - half of the time specified for assembly by the manufacturer. The Apaches made it on time to the ceremony, and received the Hebrew name 'Peten' (Adder).
A gift of Apaches
On the night of September 12th 1993, three years to the day from the establishment of the first Apache squadron, four American Galaxy C-5s landed in an IAF base, carrying 24 Apache AH-64A helicopters, which had been given to Israel as a gift. The Galaxy C-5s landed, one by one, at intervals of two hours, each discharging its cargo of Apaches onto an offload ramp. The entire off loading operation was over in 12 hours, and the Apaches were towed from the runway to the section of the base that houses the Maintenance Squadron.
A second Apache squadron is born
A short time after the Apaches arrived from the USA, it was decided to establish a second Apache squadron. The new choppers were stored in an IAF base in southern Israel, while the first Apache squadron carried out a large scale training project for the young pilots, fresh out of the Pilot Training Course and the Advanced Training Course who would fly the Apaches. The second squadron was inaugurated on March 22nd 1995, once the new Apaches - and their new pilots - had been readied for service.
My Fellow Amurkans By D. Grant Haynes January 24, 2004 With a few rare exceptions--a statistically insignificant microcosm at best--you are an obnoxious and superficial people with scant redeeming virtues. The vast majority of you are ignorant, insular, self-centered, hedonistic pleasure seekers who believe that the earth and all its myriad of inhabitants owe you special dispensations and exceptional privileges because you are "Amurkans" ordained by God to rule the temporal realm. On the whole and as a group, you know next to nothing about any other culture. Yet, in your naiveté you imagine your world and your lifestyle to be superior to all the others you've never seen or experienced. And you don't mind seeing your tax dollars spent to force that lifestyle onto those others with bombs and missiles if necessary. You feign great valor, assertiveness and a determination to establish fortress-like security. Your latest auto models even mimic the contours of armored military vehicles. And your overbearing and overindulged offspring enroll in tae kwon do classes, wear battle fatigue print jeans, sport military crew cuts, and play kick-Arab-ass computer war games in their leisure time. Yet, in truth, you are soft, pampered, frightened, insecure and neurotic; uncertain of yourselves, your values, your health, the future of your nation, or the validity of your self-indulgent decadence. A real or imagined "terrist" could say "boo" and you'd all collectively urinate upon yourselves. You live in abject fear, notwithstanding your "No Fear" tee shirts and bumper stickers. You fear "terrists" from without spawned for the most part from a century of American imperialism, and you fear criminals from within born of your own cruel social inequities and gun laws. You have no peace in your SUVs and palatial compounds on the hill and "stress reduction" clinics multiply exponentially with the strip malls that defile your increasingly asphalted landscapes. The spam being forced onto Internet users in America today is sufficient indictment in itself of your sick culture. Your men are apparently all insecure about their masculinity because impotency medications and penis enlargement schemes are the major huckster's business on the net at this time. And running a close second in the spam waves are pain pills, weight loss products and human growth hormone elixirs. You are susceptible to any siren song promising to arrest the inexorable aging process--a human metamorphosis cultures more at peace with themselves accept gracefully. Your frenetic consumption-oriented lifestyle evidently lends no peace of mind because online tranquilizer sales in this hypocritical nation of excesses--one that makes legitimate acquisition of such drugs through a physician next to impossible--are booming in cyberspace too. Nor can one forget the incessant Internet porn spam deluge in a nation possessed of more church edifices and moralizing preachers per capita than any on earth. The porn would not continue were it not highly profitable in your society of lying hypocrites. By way of summation, the vast majority of you appear to be shallow, swaggering, hypocritical, flag-waving jackasses with minimal merit at best. I would be happy to part company with the lot of you tomorrow to spend my remaining years in a more sensible society.
January 24, 2004
With a few rare exceptions--a statistically insignificant microcosm at best--you are an obnoxious and superficial people with scant redeeming virtues.
The vast majority of you are ignorant, insular, self-centered, hedonistic pleasure seekers who believe that the earth and all its myriad of inhabitants owe you special dispensations and exceptional privileges because you are "Amurkans" ordained by God to rule the temporal realm.
On the whole and as a group, you know next to nothing about any other culture. Yet, in your naiveté you imagine your world and your lifestyle to be superior to all the others you've never seen or experienced.
And you don't mind seeing your tax dollars spent to force that lifestyle onto those others with bombs and missiles if necessary.
You feign great valor, assertiveness and a determination to establish fortress-like security. Your latest auto models even mimic the contours of armored military vehicles.
And your overbearing and overindulged offspring enroll in tae kwon do classes, wear battle fatigue print jeans, sport military crew cuts, and play kick-Arab-ass computer war games in their leisure time.
Yet, in truth, you are soft, pampered, frightened, insecure and neurotic; uncertain of yourselves, your values, your health, the future of your nation, or the validity of your self-indulgent decadence.
A real or imagined "terrist" could say "boo" and you'd all collectively urinate upon yourselves.
You live in abject fear, notwithstanding your "No Fear" tee shirts and bumper stickers.
You fear "terrists" from without spawned for the most part from a century of American imperialism, and you fear criminals from within born of your own cruel social inequities and gun laws.
You have no peace in your SUVs and palatial compounds on the hill and "stress reduction" clinics multiply exponentially with the strip malls that defile your increasingly asphalted landscapes.
The spam being forced onto Internet users in America today is sufficient indictment in itself of your sick culture.
Your men are apparently all insecure about their masculinity because impotency medications and penis enlargement schemes are the major huckster's business on the net at this time.
And running a close second in the spam waves are pain pills, weight loss products and human growth hormone elixirs.
You are susceptible to any siren song promising to arrest the inexorable aging process--a human metamorphosis cultures more at peace with themselves accept gracefully.
Your frenetic consumption-oriented lifestyle evidently lends no peace of mind because online tranquilizer sales in this hypocritical nation of excesses--one that makes legitimate acquisition of such drugs through a physician next to impossible--are booming in cyberspace too.
Nor can one forget the incessant Internet porn spam deluge in a nation possessed of more church edifices and moralizing preachers per capita than any on earth. The porn would not continue were it not highly profitable in your society of lying hypocrites.
By way of summation, the vast majority of you appear to be shallow, swaggering, hypocritical, flag-waving jackasses with minimal merit at best.
I would be happy to part company with the lot of you tomorrow to spend my remaining years in a more sensible society.
'The Passion' of the Americans By William Rivers Pitt t r u t h o u t | Perspective Friday 27 February 2004 The television airwaves have been filled for the last several days with a lot of back-and-forth about Mel Gibson's new film, 'The Passion of The Christ.' A great deal of debate centers around whether Gibson has fashioned a broadside against Jewish people in the manner of the Medieval anti-Semitic passion plays of old. There are plenty of rabbis arguing with Christian ministers on just about any channel you might choose to watch, so I'm going to leave that question to them for the time being. My question is much simpler: Why would Mel Gibson make a movie about people in the ancient Middle East and cast it with so many white people? To look at the central actors in this film, you'd think Jesus did his work near Manchester, New Hampshire instead of the Holy Land. The answer to that question lies within the United States, the prime market for this film. There are millions of Christians in America, some 25% of whom would characterize themselves as evangelical. It stands to reason that this film would do very well here, especially given the controversy that has surrounded the content. The whiteness of the cast, however, speaks to a decidedly un-Christian truth that lies near the heart of this republic. Simply put, nailing a white Jesus Christ to the cross on film will generate a far more emotional response from the American viewing public than the crucifixion of a savior who actually looks like he is from the Middle East. First, let's dispense with the idea that the white people who were cast to play the most emotive characters - Jesus, Judas, and Mary Magdalene - have anything to do with historical accuracy. In truth, the region where Jesus was born was, and remains, populated by brown-skinned people. The fact of Christ's non-whiteness is borne out in the historical record, and in biblical scripture. Right off the bat, the Book of Matthew describes Mary and Joseph fleeing to Egypt to escape the wrath of Herod. Egypt is in Africa, and is populated by brown-skinned people. For my money, this would be the last place on earth I would go to hide a white baby from an angry King. The earliest renditions of Jesus, painted by the first Christians called Essenes in the catacombs of Rome, depict a person with brown skin. During the time of Roman Emperor Justinian II, a gold coin featuring an image of Jesus was minted. This coin, which today can be seen in the British Museum, depicts a man with demonstrably non-white features and tightly curled hair. Finally, there is the Book of Revelations, which bears out the crafting of the Essenes and the Roman coin-makers by describing Jesus as having hair like wool, feet the color of burnt brass, and who resembled jasper and sardine stones. Jasper and sardine stones are both brown, as is burnt brass. The Jesus most familiar to Americans, the Jesus featured in Gibson's film, looks like the front man for an alternative rock band out of Minnesota. Judas in this film is a shorter version of the same phenomenon. White skin, long straight brown hair, decidedly European features - this is not the Jesus that preached revolution against the Empire long ago. This is the Jesus fashioned by Michelangelo five centuries ago, who used his white cousin as the model for the savior. The ugly truth which never even occurs to most Americans is that Jesus looked a lot more like an Iraqi, like an Afghani, like a Palestinian, like an Arab, than any of the paintings which grace the walls of American churches from sea to shining sea. This was an uncomfortable fact before September 11. After the attack, it became almost a moral imperative to put as much distance between Americans and people from the Middle East as possible. Now, to suggest that Jesus shared a genealogical heritage and physical similarity to the people sitting in dog cages down in Guantanamo is to dance along the edge of treason. George W. Bush calls himself Christian. If you believe him, he is on armchair-to-armchair relations with the Almighty, enjoying regular conversations with He Is What He Is on everything from tax policy to invasion plans. Bush serves a unique dual role as both the Commander in Chief and as high priest to the evangelical wing of American Christianity. When Bush did his little flight-suit strut across the aircraft carrier last May, he proclaimed victory in biblical verse and sent a signal to those Christians who see him as more than a man. Bush, that day, quoted Isaiah's passage from the Servant Songs about captives coming out and slaves being free. This is the same passage, as described in Luke chapter 4, which Jesus used to announce his coming as the Son of God. "Today this scripture has been fulfilled in your hearing," said Jesus. Bush's use of this incredibly loaded passage speaks as much to his messianic fantasies as it does to his status as Christian-in-Chief. Yet this is the same man who invades countries without cause and consigns tens of thousands of innocents to explosive, burning death. This is the same man who pushes tax policies that further enrich the wealthy while stripping funds and services from the neediest in this nation. This is the man who speaks the language of vengeance, of fear, of violence. This is the man whose entire moral existence flies in the face of Christ's words from Luke, chapter 12, verse 15: "Take care to guard against all greed, for though one may be rich, one's life does not consist of possessions." Sadly, the skewed moral compass of George W. Bush is shared by too many Americans who would call themselves Christian. Possibly the most important words ever spoken by Jesus can be found in Matthew, chapter 5, verses 38-45. "You have heard that it was said, 'An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth,'" said Christ. "But if any one strikes you on the right cheek, turn to him the other also; and if any one would sue you and take your coat, let him have your cloak as well; and if any one forces you to go one mile, go with him two miles. Give to him who begs from you, and do not refuse him who would borrow from you. You have heard that it was said, 'You shall love your neighbor and hate your enemy.' But I say to you, Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, so that you may be sons of your Father who is in heaven; for He makes His sun rise on the evil and on the good, and sends rain on the just and on the unjust." It is these words that condemn both Bush and the hands-off moral attitude of too many American Christians. Certainly, Jesus was no fool. In Luke, chapter 11, verse 21, he said, "When a strong man, fully armed, guards his own palace, his goods are in peace." Self-protection, for person and nation, is both moral and intelligent. But vengeance, violence and hatred are not Christian. Mercy, love and generosity are the hallmarks of the teachings of Jesus. If you are to call yourself Christian, you must be for the poor and the weak, and against empire and vengeance. Period. These simple attributes are all too absent in the American soul and spirit. Gibson's white Jesus is but one example of how far we have strayed. It is a safe bet that, had Gibson chosen a brown-skinned actor to portray Jesus, his film would not find a connection in this country. Millions of Americans try to live by the teachings of Jesus, and do so with success, but find themselves at odds with those who carry the banner of Christianity. This is a travesty. Too many so-called Christians are blind to history, blind to the actions of our nation, blind to the hypocrisy of our so-called leaders, and the world bleeds because of it. Too many so-called Christians are people who would slaughter the savior to protect their power and position. Were Jesus alive today, he would probably nail himself to the cross to get away from all these people who act like barbarians in His name.
Friday 27 February 2004
The television airwaves have been filled for the last several days with a lot of back-and-forth about Mel Gibson's new film, 'The Passion of The Christ.' A great deal of debate centers around whether Gibson has fashioned a broadside against Jewish people in the manner of the Medieval anti-Semitic passion plays of old. There are plenty of rabbis arguing with Christian ministers on just about any channel you might choose to watch, so I'm going to leave that question to them for the time being.
My question is much simpler: Why would Mel Gibson make a movie about people in the ancient Middle East and cast it with so many white people? To look at the central actors in this film, you'd think Jesus did his work near Manchester, New Hampshire instead of the Holy Land. The answer to that question lies within the United States, the prime market for this film. There are millions of Christians in America, some 25% of whom would characterize themselves as evangelical. It stands to reason that this film would do very well here, especially given the controversy that has surrounded the content.
The whiteness of the cast, however, speaks to a decidedly un-Christian truth that lies near the heart of this republic. Simply put, nailing a white Jesus Christ to the cross on film will generate a far more emotional response from the American viewing public than the crucifixion of a savior who actually looks like he is from the Middle East.
First, let's dispense with the idea that the white people who were cast to play the most emotive characters - Jesus, Judas, and Mary Magdalene - have anything to do with historical accuracy. In truth, the region where Jesus was born was, and remains, populated by brown-skinned people. The fact of Christ's non-whiteness is borne out in the historical record, and in biblical scripture. Right off the bat, the Book of Matthew describes Mary and Joseph fleeing to Egypt to escape the wrath of Herod. Egypt is in Africa, and is populated by brown-skinned people. For my money, this would be the last place on earth I would go to hide a white baby from an angry King.
The earliest renditions of Jesus, painted by the first Christians called Essenes in the catacombs of Rome, depict a person with brown skin. During the time of Roman Emperor Justinian II, a gold coin featuring an image of Jesus was minted. This coin, which today can be seen in the British Museum, depicts a man with demonstrably non-white features and tightly curled hair. Finally, there is the Book of Revelations, which bears out the crafting of the Essenes and the Roman coin-makers by describing Jesus as having hair like wool, feet the color of burnt brass, and who resembled jasper and sardine stones. Jasper and sardine stones are both brown, as is burnt brass.
The Jesus most familiar to Americans, the Jesus featured in Gibson's film, looks like the front man for an alternative rock band out of Minnesota. Judas in this film is a shorter version of the same phenomenon. White skin, long straight brown hair, decidedly European features - this is not the Jesus that preached revolution against the Empire long ago. This is the Jesus fashioned by Michelangelo five centuries ago, who used his white cousin as the model for the savior.
The ugly truth which never even occurs to most Americans is that Jesus looked a lot more like an Iraqi, like an Afghani, like a Palestinian, like an Arab, than any of the paintings which grace the walls of American churches from sea to shining sea. This was an uncomfortable fact before September 11. After the attack, it became almost a moral imperative to put as much distance between Americans and people from the Middle East as possible. Now, to suggest that Jesus shared a genealogical heritage and physical similarity to the people sitting in dog cages down in Guantanamo is to dance along the edge of treason.
George W. Bush calls himself Christian. If you believe him, he is on armchair-to-armchair relations with the Almighty, enjoying regular conversations with He Is What He Is on everything from tax policy to invasion plans. Bush serves a unique dual role as both the Commander in Chief and as high priest to the evangelical wing of American Christianity.
When Bush did his little flight-suit strut across the aircraft carrier last May, he proclaimed victory in biblical verse and sent a signal to those Christians who see him as more than a man. Bush, that day, quoted Isaiah's passage from the Servant Songs about captives coming out and slaves being free. This is the same passage, as described in Luke chapter 4, which Jesus used to announce his coming as the Son of God. "Today this scripture has been fulfilled in your hearing," said Jesus. Bush's use of this incredibly loaded passage speaks as much to his messianic fantasies as it does to his status as Christian-in-Chief.
Yet this is the same man who invades countries without cause and consigns tens of thousands of innocents to explosive, burning death. This is the same man who pushes tax policies that further enrich the wealthy while stripping funds and services from the neediest in this nation. This is the man who speaks the language of vengeance, of fear, of violence. This is the man whose entire moral existence flies in the face of Christ's words from Luke, chapter 12, verse 15: "Take care to guard against all greed, for though one may be rich, one's life does not consist of possessions." Sadly, the skewed moral compass of George W. Bush is shared by too many Americans who would call themselves Christian.
Possibly the most important words ever spoken by Jesus can be found in Matthew, chapter 5, verses 38-45. "You have heard that it was said, 'An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth,'" said Christ. "But if any one strikes you on the right cheek, turn to him the other also; and if any one would sue you and take your coat, let him have your cloak as well; and if any one forces you to go one mile, go with him two miles. Give to him who begs from you, and do not refuse him who would borrow from you. You have heard that it was said, 'You shall love your neighbor and hate your enemy.' But I say to you, Love your enemies and pray for those who persecute you, so that you may be sons of your Father who is in heaven; for He makes His sun rise on the evil and on the good, and sends rain on the just and on the unjust."
It is these words that condemn both Bush and the hands-off moral attitude of too many American Christians. Certainly, Jesus was no fool. In Luke, chapter 11, verse 21, he said, "When a strong man, fully armed, guards his own palace, his goods are in peace." Self-protection, for person and nation, is both moral and intelligent. But vengeance, violence and hatred are not Christian. Mercy, love and generosity are the hallmarks of the teachings of Jesus. If you are to call yourself Christian, you must be for the poor and the weak, and against empire and vengeance. Period.
These simple attributes are all too absent in the American soul and spirit. Gibson's white Jesus is but one example of how far we have strayed. It is a safe bet that, had Gibson chosen a brown-skinned actor to portray Jesus, his film would not find a connection in this country. Millions of Americans try to live by the teachings of Jesus, and do so with success, but find themselves at odds with those who carry the banner of Christianity. This is a travesty.
Too many so-called Christians are blind to history, blind to the actions of our nation, blind to the hypocrisy of our so-called leaders, and the world bleeds because of it. Too many so-called Christians are people who would slaughter the savior to protect their power and position. Were Jesus alive today, he would probably nail himself to the cross to get away from all these people who act like barbarians in His name.
The United States of America had NO justification for invading Iraq or for designating legitimate officers of that sovereign nation's government as criminals to be placed on a tacky, sleazy deck of cards for sale at discount outlets along with the National Enquirer. The entire affair was, is and shall forever remain an illegitimate imperialistic adventure lacking any moral justification whatsoever--one that cannot and will not end well for the would-be conquerors. D. Grant Haynes February 15, 2004
The United States of America had NO justification for invading Iraq or for designating legitimate officers of that sovereign nation's government as criminals to be placed on a tacky, sleazy deck of cards for sale at discount outlets along with the National Enquirer. The entire affair was, is and shall forever remain an illegitimate imperialistic adventure lacking any moral justification whatsoever--one that cannot and will not end well for the would-be conquerors.
February 15, 2004
See also: http://www.rense.com/general48/mams.htm
February 5, 2004
The inanity, the puritanical hypocrisy, the blindness to significant realities, the mass stupidity that characterize--indeed, that are--America are all encapsulated in the brouhaha now raging over the partial exposure of one of performer Janet Jackson's breasts during Super Bowl 2004's halftime extravaganza February 1.
After refusing to lend Super Bowl airing to a MoveOn.org-produced 30-second spot critical of George W. Bush's performance as president, CBS News has crawled, groveled and apologized profusely for more than three days because viewers of the Super Bowl halftime show may have caught a glimpse of one of Jackson's breasts when co-singer Justin Timberlake intentionally pulled her scant outfit down a bit in a planned finale as he sang, "I'm gonna have you naked by the end of this song."
"CBS deeply regrets the incident that occurred during the Super Bowl halftime show. We attended all rehearsals throughout the week and there was no indication that any such thing would happen. The moment did not conform to CBS broadcast standards, and we would like to apologize to anyone who was offended," CBS offered by way of a quick apology.
And there is more insanity.
Secretary of Defense Colin Powell's rotund son, Michael Powell, head of the Federal Communications Commission, promised a federal investigation of the nipple incident, according to AP.
"Federal Communications Commission chief Michael Powell said in a statement, 'Like millions of Americans, my family and I gathered around the television for a celebration. Instead, that celebration was tainted by a classless, crass and deplorable stunt.' He promised an investigation... ."
A federal investigation, folks.
And even the National Football League--prime purveyors of violence and animality at all times--had to apologize to America's Christian families, saying the NFL was "extremely disappointed" in Jackson's performance.
All of this feigned outrage from these unlikely hypocrites over a harmless attention-seeking stunt of a few second's duration executed by a mass media icon notorious for such actions.
By way of inexplicable contrast, I read of no outrage being expressed by any of these individuals or groups about CBS's cowardice in pulling the MoveOn.org ad.
Nor did I read of an apology from CBS because they lacked the courage and fairness to run the ad criticizing Bush for his role in destroying the economic viability of one nation and the very infrastructure of two other nations in his three years of miscreant misrule in an office he never won.
Nor have these self-righteous Americans who are so shocked and indignant at the sight of a woman's breast expressed outrage that their tax dollars have been used to murder up to 10,000 Iraqi civilians (See ICH Site) in an immoral war of conquest--a war whose WMD justification has been universally exposed as a bald-faced lie that was peddled repeatedly by Bush and British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
And there has been no moral outrage from any of the anally retentive fundamentalists of John Ashcroft's stripe who blanch white and faint away at the sight of a human female's breast, (even a sexagenarian bronze one), but who were happy to see their nation launch an unprovoked shock and awe blitzkrieg on Baghdad last March that killed thousands in a few hours.
Where is the moral outrage at this nation's morally reprehensible human rights record in Iraq among these God-fearing Americans who are apparently more offended by a nipple than by piles of dead Iraqi children?
Sadly and deplorably, there is none.
Baring a woman's breast or viewing a woman's breast is not a sin and is hardly a newsworthy event. Ms. Jackson's publicity stunt deserved minimal attention at best, but has received non-stop major coverage for days.
On the other hand, murdering up to 10,000 innocent Iraqi civilians in a brutal military campaign of imperialistic aggression that continues to lack any justification whatsoever, was and is a crime against humanity that should receive wide and continuing exposure until the perpetrators are brought before an international war crimes tribunal at The Hague.
But there is only silence among the corporate media's talking heads and their pea-brained followers in this matter of genocide in Iraq.
Janet Jackson's right nipple was bared before their very eyes February 1 and they and their wholesome children may have suffered irreparable moral degradation as a result of the exposure. This is the story of significance to them.
The skewed value system of this sick nation of puritanical hypocrites causes me nausea on a daily basis.
"Lack of health insurance causes roughly 18,000 unnecessary deaths (in the United States) every year... ."
___________________________________
The above gem, gleaned from the article that follows, is as damning an indictment of the American system of capitalistic greed as is the immoral war of conquest now being waged upon Iraq.
Rather than go halfway around the planet and seek to subjugate for entirely selfish motives a Third World people who have done the United States no harm, the Bush administration should take care of its own at home.
February 1, 2004
(From WSWS)
By Joanne Laurier
30 January 2004
In the course of his recent State of the Union address, President George W. Bush made clear his unaltered commitment to the existing for-profit health care delivery system in the US that has become increasingly unaffordable for millions of people.
"We will preserve the system of private medicine that makes America's health care the best in the world... A government-run health care system is the wrong prescription," he belligerently declared.
Significantly, a report issued just days before Bush's speech by the Institute of Medicine (IOM) states that a government-sponsored universal health care insurance is the "right prescription"-in fact, the only rational prescription. The January 14 report compiled by the institute, which is part of the National Academy of Sciences--a private organization chartered by Congress--detailed the harrowing consequences of the growing epidemic of uninsured. This is the first time the IOM has recommended that "everyone living in the United States should have health insurance."
"I believe we're reaching the point where the system is unsustainable," said one of the report's authors, Dr. Arthur L. Kellermann of the Emory University School of Medicine in Atlanta. Approximately 43.6 million people lacked health insurance at some point in 2002, compared with 39.8 million in 2000. This represents a staggering 17.2 percent of the population under the age of 65 and includes some 8.5 million uninsured children. Lack of health insurance causes roughly 18,000 unnecessary deaths every year, according to the report, entitled Insuring America's Health: Principles and Recommendations.
"The lack of health insurance coverage for a substantial number of Americans has been a public policy problem throughout the past century and particularly over the past three decades," states the report in its Executive Summary. "The problem of uninsurance has been growing in urgency...the gap between insured and uninsured people widens and raises questions of equity. This disparity in access to health care violates generally accepted American values of equal consideration and equal opportunity."
Although the United States ranks highest in health care spending as a percentage of GDP (14 percent in 2002) and ranks high in the availability of medical technology, the health of Americans ranks consistently poorly relative to that of residents of other industrialized nations-12th out of 13th in a 2000 comparison. For three indicators-low birth weight; neonatal mortality and infant mortality overall; years of potential life lost--the US came in last even after excluding external causes such as motor vehicle collisions and violence. Also, in OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development) comparisons of 29 developed countries, the US ranked 25th in male life expectancy and 19th in female life expectancy. Infant mortality rates were the highest among the listed countries.
Of 30 countries in the OECD health data, only Mexico and Turkey have higher uninsured rates than the US!
"Increasingly, the lack of health insurance is understood as a condition for which virtually all Americans are to some extent at risk over the course of their lives...rather than as a fixed characteristic of a well-defined segment of the population. Not all people, however, are equally at risk of being uninsured nor are all spells of uninsurance of equal length," write the authors of the study.
More than 80 percent of uninsured children and adults live in working families, and about the same percentage are US citizens. However, nearly two-thirds of all uninsured persons are members of families earning less than 200 percent of the federal poverty level ($36,800 for a family of four). While white, non-Hispanic people make up about half of the uninsured, minority group members have a higher risk of going without health insurance. But, states the report, "people may lack coverage regardless of age, education, or state of residence." The study points out that uninsured adults have a 25 percent greater mortality risk than do insured adults and that uninsured children risk abnormal long-term development if they do not receive routine care.
The high costs of health care premiums are the primary reason for uninsurance. For example, without an employer's contribution, a family insurance policy comparable to the average employment-based coverage would cost roughly 25 percent of pretax family income for a family at 200 percent of the federal poverty level. Small employers often receive poorer benefits for premiums compared to larger firms, whose administrative costs for insurance programs are usually 10 percent of premium versus 20 to 25 percent for smaller employers.
In constant 1998 dollars, the cost of employment-based health insurance increased 260 percent between 1977 and 1998, with the employee's share of premiums increasing 350 percent! Median household incomes increased only 17 percent. In 2003, the national average total annual premium for a family policy in an employment-based group exceeded $9,000.
Adolescents are a particularly high risk group for uninsurance. "Their need for some kinds of health care services, such as mental health screening and treatment for drinking and other risky behaviors, increases in their late teenage years, yet 17 percent of adolescents ages 15 to 17 are uninsured, the highest rate of all children. Over one-quarter (27.4 percent) of adolescents ages 10 to 18 in families earning less than the federal poverty standard are uninsured. Forty-four percent of young adults aged 19 to 29 are uninsured at least part of the year. Though generally a healthy population, young adults are particularly vulnerable to injuries, HIV, and pregnancy, but when uninsured their regular access to the health system is disrupted," according to the study.
Another high-risk group is the mentally ill, which is made up of more than 3 million adults with illnesses that can involve psychosis and aberrant behavior. Some 20 percent of these adults who do not reside in institutions lack medical coverage. Between 600,000 and 700,000 persons with severe mental illness are jailed each year.
Lack of insurance can affect access to necessary prescription drugs. The uninsured wait on average four months longer than insured patients to receive newer drug therapies for HIV. Only 43 percent of uninsured children have their prescriptions filled, compared with 61 percent of privately insured and 56 percent of publicly insured children.
Persons who are uninsured for the full year pay 35 percent, on average, of the overall cost of medical services they receive. Medical bills are a factor in nearly half of all bankruptcy filings.
The study estimates that the number of uninsured Americans will rise to more that 48 million in 2009, and, in the event of a recession, the number will reach 61 million. It states: "Over the past 25 years, the growth in the number of uninsured Americans has exceeded the rate of growth in the population under 65 years."
The IOM presented four prototypes for the implementation of universal health care reform from a combination of governmental and private schemes to a federally funded single-payer program. The committee brings out that "single payer models, much like Medicare, are generally considered to have substantially lower administrative costs than private insurance plans, since the need for advertising, underwriting, and much eligibility and billing work disappears."
The IOM report concludes by presenting a scenario that should in a wealthy society be the rule, but is becoming the overwhelming exception: "Imagine what the country would be like if everyone had coverage--people would be financially able to have a health problem checked in a timely manner, to obtain preventative and primary care, and to receive necessary, appropriate and effective health services. Families would have security in knowing that they had some protection against medical bills undermining their financial stability. Key community providers and health care institutions could provide care to those who need it without jeopardizing their financial stability."
This is a tall order for present day America!
As the Bush administration praises the glory of a market-based, private medical system, researchers from the Public Citizen's Health Research Group found that bureaucracy in the health care system accounts for some 30 percent of total US health care spending. Health industry bureaucracy currently consumes at least $399.4 billion annually, while a national health insurance program could save some $286 billion in administrative costs. (For example, in Seattle, Washington, there are at least 755 different insurance plans!)
"Hundreds of billions are squandered each year on health care bureaucracy, more than enough to cover all the uninsured, pay for full drug coverage for seniors, and upgrade coverage for the tens of millions who are underinsured," said Dr. Steffie Woolhandler, co-founder of Physicians for a National Health Program and lead author of the study. "Americans spend almost twice as much per capita on health care as Canadians, who have universal health coverage and live two years longer... Instead of cutting Medicaid and other vital services, officials could expand services by freeing up the $286 billion a year wasted on administrative expenses. In the current economic climate, with unemployment rising, we can ill afford massive waste in health care. Radical surgery to cure our failing health insurance system is sorely needed."
Dr. David Himmelstein, also a co-founder of Physicians for a National Health Program, added: "Republicans are pushing to move seniors into HMOs, whose overhead is three times higher than Medicare's. National health insurance could cover everyone without any increase in costs."
(What follows was written during the latter years of the Clinton administration, but is, unfortunately, more to the point now than then.) The real immorality By D. Grant Haynes I write of immorality. I write of greed. I write also of a betrayal of the humanitarian and Christian ideals for which this nation is said to stand. I write of institutionalized selfishness and of the inherent evil embodied in the private health care system of this nation--a system whose practitioners are driven, for the most part, not by the Hippocratic oath, but by aggressive, acquisitive, unbridled capitalism in its most virulent form. I write also of personal tragedy. Of loss of youth. And of health. And of hope. Of the heightening burdens of the middle years without the benefit of commonly available medical, dental and ocular care. In so writing, I write not only of my own experiences, but of those of an entire class of Americans--the so-called "working poor" of the nation. We have just enough income to be ineligible for Medicaid or state-administered programs for the indigent, but no medical, dental or ocular insurance coverage and no reserves to pay the mind-boggling fees required of the uninsured for the most basic of services. Partisan, self-serving, business-oriented conservatives in Congress and elsewhere in the public and private sectors of the nation rail sanctimoniously into the ninth month about President Clinton's peccadillo with an intern--about the shocking immorality of it all--about impeachment being a necessity to restore "integrity" to the office of the presidency. And this while the selfsame interests quietly sabotage, as they have for the six years of his tenure, all efforts on the part of the president and his administration to launch any meaningful health care reform to relieve beleaguered Americans. Theirs is the monstrous immorality--to consign millions of individuals to the human junk heap because of their inability to afford private health care insurance or, worse still, the astronomical and wholly prohibitive costs of medical, dental and ocular care nowadays for one without insurance or considerable income. Medical specialists and health insurance corporate CEO's are amassing obscene fortunes while a significant segment of the American population endures life without the most fundamental of health services--services available without charge to citizens of almost every other Western nation around the globe. Any unwise sexual liaison in the White House and any attempt to avoid the embarrassment of public disclosure of what was, however ill-advised, essentially a private matter between consenting adults, pales by comparison to the real evils being perpetrated in Washington (and throughout the American medical system) these days.
(What follows was written during the latter years of the Clinton administration, but is, unfortunately, more to the point now than then.)
I write of immorality. I write of greed. I write also of a betrayal of the humanitarian and Christian ideals for which this nation is said to stand.
I write of institutionalized selfishness and of the inherent evil embodied in the private health care system of this nation--a system whose practitioners are driven, for the most part, not by the Hippocratic oath, but by aggressive, acquisitive, unbridled capitalism in its most virulent form.
I write also of personal tragedy. Of loss of youth. And of health. And of hope. Of the heightening burdens of the middle years without the benefit of commonly available medical, dental and ocular care.
In so writing, I write not only of my own experiences, but of those of an entire class of Americans--the so-called "working poor" of the nation. We have just enough income to be ineligible for Medicaid or state-administered programs for the indigent, but no medical, dental or ocular insurance coverage and no reserves to pay the mind-boggling fees required of the uninsured for the most basic of services.
Partisan, self-serving, business-oriented conservatives in Congress and elsewhere in the public and private sectors of the nation rail sanctimoniously into the ninth month about President Clinton's peccadillo with an intern--about the shocking immorality of it all--about impeachment being a necessity to restore "integrity" to the office of the presidency.
And this while the selfsame interests quietly sabotage, as they have for the six years of his tenure, all efforts on the part of the president and his administration to launch any meaningful health care reform to relieve beleaguered Americans.
Theirs is the monstrous immorality--to consign millions of individuals to the human junk heap because of their inability to afford private health care insurance or, worse still, the astronomical and wholly prohibitive costs of medical, dental and ocular care nowadays for one without insurance or considerable income.
Medical specialists and health insurance corporate CEO's are amassing obscene fortunes while a significant segment of the American population endures life without the most fundamental of health services--services available without charge to citizens of almost every other Western nation around the globe.
Any unwise sexual liaison in the White House and any attempt to avoid the embarrassment of public disclosure of what was, however ill-advised, essentially a private matter between consenting adults, pales by comparison to the real evils being perpetrated in Washington (and throughout the American medical system) these days.
(From The Nation) The New American Century By Arundhati Roy February 9, 2004 In January 2003 thousands of us from across the world gathered in Porto Alegre in Brazil and declared--reiterated--that "Another World Is Possible." A few thousand miles north, in Washington, George W. Bush and his aides were thinking the same thing. Our project was the World Social Forum. Theirs--to further what many call the Project for the New American Century. In the great cities of Europe and America, where a few years ago these things would only have been whispered, now people are openly talking about the good side of imperialism and the need for a strong empire to police an unruly world. The new missionaries want order at the cost of justice. Discipline at the cost of dignity. And ascendancy at any price. Occasionally some of us are invited to "debate" the issue on "neutral" platforms provided by the corporate media. Debating imperialism is a bit like debating the pros and cons of rape. What can we say? That we really miss it? In any case, New Imperialism is already upon us. It's a remodeled, streamlined version of what we once knew. For the first time in history, a single empire with an arsenal of weapons that could obliterate the world in an afternoon has complete, unipolar, economic and military hegemony. It uses different weapons to break open different markets. There isn't a country on God's earth that is not caught in the cross-hairs of the American cruise missile and the IMF checkbook. Argentina's the model if you want to be the poster boy of neoliberal capitalism, Iraq if you're the black sheep. Poor countries that are geopolitically of strategic value to Empire, or have a "market" of any size, or infrastructure that can be privatized, or, God forbid, natural resources of value--oil, gold, diamonds, cobalt, coal--must do as they're told or become military targets. Those with the greatest reserves of natural wealth are most at risk. Unless they surrender their resources willingly to the corporate machine, civil unrest will be fomented or war will be waged. In this new age of empire, when nothing is as it appears to be, executives of concerned companies are allowed to influence foreign policy decisions. The Center for Public Integrity in Washington found that at least nine out of the thirty members of the Bush Administration's Defense Policy Board were connected to companies that were awarded military contracts for $76 billion between 2001 and 2002. George Shultz, former Secretary of State, was chairman of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq. He is also on the board of directors of the Bechtel Group. When asked about a conflict of interest in the case of war in Iraq he said, "I don't know that Bechtel would particularly benefit from it. But if there's work to be done, Bechtel is the type of company that could do it. But nobody looks at it as something you benefit from." In April 2003, Bechtel signed a $680 million contract for reconstruction. This brutal blueprint has been used over and over again across Latin America, in Africa and in Central and Southeast Asia. It has cost millions of lives. It goes without saying that every war Empire wages becomes a Just War. This, in large part, is due to the role of the corporate media. It's important to understand that the corporate media don't just support the neoliberal project. They are the neoliberal project. This is not a moral position they have chosen to take; it's structural. It's intrinsic to the economics of how the mass media work. Most nations have adequately hideous family secrets. So it isn't often necessary for the media to lie. It's all in the editing--what's emphasized and what's ignored. Say, for example, India was chosen as the target for a righteous war. The fact that about 80,000 people have been killed in Kashmir since 1989, most of them Muslim, most of them by Indian security forces (making the average death toll about 6,000 a year); the fact that in February and March of 2002 more than 2,000 Muslims were murdered on the streets of Gujarat, that women were gang-raped and children were burned alive and 150,000 driven from their homes while the police and administration watched and sometimes actively participated; the fact that no one has been punished for these crimes and the government that oversaw them was re-elected...all of this would make perfect headlines in international newspapers in the run-up to war. Next thing we know, our cities will be leveled by cruise missiles, our villages fenced in with razor wire, US soldiers will patrol our streets, and Narendra Modi, Pravin Togadia or any of our popular bigots will, like Saddam Hussein, be in US custody having their hair checked for lice and the fillings in their teeth examined on prime-time TV. But as long as our "markets" are open, as long as corporations like Enron, Bechtel, Halliburton and Arthur Andersen are given a free hand to take over our infrastructure and take away our jobs, our "democratically elected" leaders can fearlessly blur the lines between democracy, majoritarianism and fascism. Our government's craven willingness to abandon India's proud tradition of being non-aligned, its rush to fight its way to the head of the queue of the Completely Aligned (the fashionable phrase is "natural ally"--India, Israel and the United States are "natural allies"), has given it the leg room to turn into a repressive regime without compromising its legitimacy. A government's victims are not only those it kills and imprisons. Those who are displaced and dispossessed and sentenced to a lifetime of starvation and deprivation must count among them too. Millions of people have been dispossessed by "development" projects. In the past fifty-five years, big dams alone have displaced between 33 million and 55 million in India. They have no recourse to justice. In the past two years there have been a series of incidents in which police have opened fire on peaceful protesters, most of them Adivasi and Dalit. When it comes to the poor, and in particular Dalit and Adivasi communities, they get killed for encroaching on forest land, and killed when they're trying to protect forest land from encroachments--by dams, mines, steel plants and other "development" projects. In almost every instance in which the police opened fire, the government's strategy has been to say the firing was provoked by an act of violence. Those who have been fired upon are immediately called militants. Across the country, thousands of innocent people, including minors, have been arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act and are being held in jail indefinitely and without trial. In the era of the War against Terror, poverty is being slyly conflated with terrorism. In the era of corporate globalization, poverty is a crime. Protesting against further impoverishment is terrorism. And now our Supreme Court says that going on strike is a crime. Criticizing the court is a crime too, of course. They're sealing the exits. Like Old Imperialism, New Imperialism relies for its success on a network of agents--corrupt local elites who service Empire. We all know the sordid story of Enron in India. The then-Maharashtra government signed a power purchase agreement that gave Enron profits that amounted to 60 percent of India's entire rural development budget. A single American company was guaranteed a profit equivalent to funds for infrastructural development for about 500 million people! Unlike in the old days, the New Imperialist doesn't need to trudge around the tropics risking malaria or diarrhea or early death. New Imperialism can be conducted on e-mail. The vulgar, hands-on racism of Old Imperialism is outdated. The cornerstone of New Imperialism is New Racism. The best allegory for New Racism is the tradition of "turkey pardoning" in the United States. Every year since 1947, the National Turkey Federation has presented the US President with a turkey for Thanksgiving. Every year, in a show of ceremonial magnanimity, the President spares that particular bird (and eats another one). After receiving the presidential pardon, the Chosen One is sent to Frying Pan Park in Virginia to live out its natural life. The rest of the 50 million turkeys raised for Thanksgiving are slaughtered and eaten on Thanksgiving Day. ConAgra Foods, the company that has won the Presidential Turkey contract, says it trains the lucky birds to be sociable, to interact with dignitaries, school children and the press. (Soon they'll even speak English!) That's how New Racism in the corporate era works. A few carefully bred turkeys--the local elites of various countries, a community of wealthy immigrants, investment bankers, the occasional Colin Powell or Condoleezza Rice, some singers, some writers (like myself)--are given absolution and a pass to Frying Pan Park. The remaining millions lose their jobs, are evicted from their homes, have their water and electricity connections cut, and die of AIDS. Basically they're for the pot. But the Fortunate Fowls in Frying Pan Park are doing fine. Some of them even work for the IMF and the WTO--so who can accuse those organizations of being anti-turkey? Some serve as board members on the Turkey Choosing Committee--so who can say that turkeys are against Thanksgiving? They participate in it! Who can say the poor are anti-corporate globalization? There's a stampede to get into Frying Pan Park. So what if most perish on the way? As part of the project of New Racism we also have New Genocide. New Genocide in this new era of economic interdependence can be facilitated by economic sanctions. New Genocide means creating conditions that lead to mass death without actually going out and killing people. Denis Halliday, who was the UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq between 1997 and 1998 (after which he resigned in disgust), used the term genocide to describe the sanctions in Iraq. In Iraq the sanctions outdid Saddam Hussein's best efforts by claiming more than half a million children's lives. In the new era, apartheid as formal policy is antiquated and unnecessary. International instruments of trade and finance oversee a complex system of multilateral trade laws and financial agreements that keep the poor in their bantustans anyway. Its whole purpose is to institutionalize inequity. Why else would it be that the US taxes a garment made by a Bangladeshi manufacturer twenty times more than a garment made in Britain? Why else would it be that countries that grow cocoa beans, like the Ivory Coast and Ghana, are taxed out of the market if they try to turn it into chocolate? Why else would it be that countries that grow 90 percent of the world's cocoa beans produce only 5 percent of the world's chocolate? Why else would it be that rich countries that spend over a billion dollars a day on subsidies to farmers demand that poor countries like India withdraw all agricultural subsidies, including subsidized electricity? Why else would it be that after having been plundered by colonizing regimes for more than half a century, former colonies are steeped in debt to those same regimes and repay them some $382 billion a year? For all these reasons, the derailing of trade agreements at Cancún was crucial for us. Though our governments try to take the credit, we know that it was the result of years of struggle by many millions of people in many, many countries. What Cancún taught us is that in order to inflict real damage and force radical change, it is vital for local resistance movements to make international alliances. From Cancún we learned the importance of globalizing resistance. No individual nation can stand up to the project of corporate globalization on its own. Time and again we have seen that when it comes to the neoliberal project, the heroes of our times are suddenly diminished. Extraordinary, charismatic men, giants in the opposition, when they seize power and become heads of state, are rendered powerless on the global stage. I'm thinking here of President Lula of Brazil. Lula was the hero of the World Social Forum last year. This year he's busy implementing IMF guidelines, reducing pension benefits and purging radicals from the Workers' Party. I'm thinking also of the former president of South Africa, Nelson Mandela. Within two years of taking office in 1994, his government genuflected with hardly a caveat to the Market God. It instituted a massive program of privatization and structural adjustment that has left millions of people homeless, jobless and without water and electricity. Why does this happen? There's little point in beating our breasts and feeling betrayed. Lula and Mandela are, by any reckoning, magnificent men. But the moment they cross the floor from the opposition into government they become hostage to a spectrum of threats--most malevolent among them the threat of capital flight, which can destroy any government overnight. To imagine that a leader's personal charisma and a c.v. of struggle will dent the corporate cartel is to have no understanding of how capitalism works or, for that matter, how power works. Radical change cannot be negotiated by governments; it can only be enforced by people. At the World Social Forum some of the best minds in the world come together to exchange ideas about what is happening around us. These conversations refine our vision of the kind of world we're fighting for. It is a vital process that must not be undermined. However, if all our energies are diverted into this process at the cost of real political action, then the WSF, which has played such a crucial role in the movement for global justice, runs the risk of becoming an asset to our enemies. What we need to discuss urgently is strategies of resistance. We need to aim at real targets, wage real battles and inflict real damage. Gandhi's salt march was not just political theater. When, in a simple act of defiance, thousands of Indians marched to the sea and made their own salt, they broke the salt tax laws. It was a direct strike at the economic underpinning of the British Empire. It was real. While our movement has won some important victories, we must not allow nonviolent resistance to atrophy into ineffectual, feel-good, political theater. It is a very precious weapon that must be constantly honed and reimagined. It cannot be allowed to become a mere spectacle, a photo opportunity for the media. It was wonderful that on February 15 last year, in a spectacular display of public morality, 10 million people on five continents marched against the war on Iraq. It was wonderful, but it was not enough. February 15 was a weekend. Nobody had to so much as miss a day of work. Holiday protests don't stop wars. George Bush knows that. The confidence with which he disregarded overwhelming public opinion should be a lesson to us all. Bush believes that Iraq can be occupied and colonized as Afghanistan has been, as Tibet has been, as Chechnya is being, as East Timor once was and Palestine still is. He thinks that all he has to do is hunker down and wait until a crisis-driven media, having picked this crisis to the bone, drops it and moves on. Soon the carcass will slip off the bestseller charts, and all of us outraged folks will lose interest. Or so he hopes. This movement of ours needs a major, global victory. It's not good enough to be right. Sometimes, if only in order to test our resolve, it's important to win something. In order to win something, we need to agree on something. That something does not need to be an overarching preordained ideology into which we force-fit our delightfully factious, argumentative selves. It does not need to be an unquestioning allegiance to one or another form of resistance to the exclusion of everything else. It could be a minimum agenda. If all of us are indeed against imperialism and against the project of neoliberalism, then let's turn our gaze on Iraq. Iraq is the inevitable culmination of both. Plenty of antiwar activists have retreated in confusion since the capture of Saddam Hussein. Isn't the world better off without Saddam Hussein? they ask timidly. Let's look this thing in the eye once and for all. To applaud the US Army's capture of Saddam Hussein, and therefore in retrospect justify its invasion and occupation of Iraq, is like deifying Jack the Ripper for disemboweling the Boston Strangler. And that after a quarter-century partnership in which the Ripping and Strangling was a joint enterprise. It's an in-house quarrel. They're business partners who fell out over a dirty deal. Jack's the CEO. So if we are against imperialism, shall we agree that we are against the US occupation and that we believe the United States must withdraw from Iraq and pay reparations to the Iraqi people for the damage that the war has inflicted? How do we begin to mount our resistance? Let's start with something really small. The issue is not about supporting the resistance in Iraq against the occupation or discussing who exactly constitutes the resistance. (Are they old killer Baathists, are they Islamic fundamentalists?) We have to become the global resistance to the occupation. Our resistance has to begin with a refusal to accept the legitimacy of the US occupation of Iraq. It means acting to make it materially impossible for Empire to achieve its aims. It means soldiers should refuse to fight, reservists should refuse to serve, workers should refuse to load ships and aircraft with weapons. It certainly means that in countries like India and Pakistan we must block the US government's plans to have Indian and Pakistani soldiers sent to Iraq to clean up after them. I suggest we choose by some means two of the major corporations that are profiting from the destruction of Iraq. We could then list every project they are involved in. We could locate their offices in every city and every country across the world. We could go after them. We could shut them down. It's a question of bringing our collective wisdom and experience of past struggles to bear on a single target. It's a question of the desire to win. The Project for the New American Century seeks to perpetuate inequity and establish American hegemony at any price, even if it's apocalyptic. The World Social Forum demands justice and survival. For these reasons, we must consider ourselves at war.
(From The Nation)
By Arundhati Roy
February 9, 2004
In January 2003 thousands of us from across the world gathered in Porto Alegre in Brazil and declared--reiterated--that "Another World Is Possible." A few thousand miles north, in Washington, George W. Bush and his aides were thinking the same thing.
Our project was the World Social Forum. Theirs--to further what many call the Project for the New American Century.
In the great cities of Europe and America, where a few years ago these things would only have been whispered, now people are openly talking about the good side of imperialism and the need for a strong empire to police an unruly world. The new missionaries want order at the cost of justice. Discipline at the cost of dignity. And ascendancy at any price.
Occasionally some of us are invited to "debate" the issue on "neutral" platforms provided by the corporate media. Debating imperialism is a bit like debating the pros and cons of rape. What can we say? That we really miss it?
In any case, New Imperialism is already upon us. It's a remodeled, streamlined version of what we once knew. For the first time in history, a single empire with an arsenal of weapons that could obliterate the world in an afternoon has complete, unipolar, economic and military hegemony. It uses different weapons to break open different markets. There isn't a country on God's earth that is not caught in the cross-hairs of the American cruise missile and the IMF checkbook. Argentina's the model if you want to be the poster boy of neoliberal capitalism, Iraq if you're the black sheep. Poor countries that are geopolitically of strategic value to Empire, or have a "market" of any size, or infrastructure that can be privatized, or, God forbid, natural resources of value--oil, gold, diamonds, cobalt, coal--must do as they're told or become military targets. Those with the greatest reserves of natural wealth are most at risk. Unless they surrender their resources willingly to the corporate machine, civil unrest will be fomented or war will be waged.
In this new age of empire, when nothing is as it appears to be, executives of concerned companies are allowed to influence foreign policy decisions. The Center for Public Integrity in Washington found that at least nine out of the thirty members of the Bush Administration's Defense Policy Board were connected to companies that were awarded military contracts for $76 billion between 2001 and 2002. George Shultz, former Secretary of State, was chairman of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq. He is also on the board of directors of the Bechtel Group. When asked about a conflict of interest in the case of war in Iraq he said, "I don't know that Bechtel would particularly benefit from it. But if there's work to be done,
Bechtel is the type of company that could do it. But nobody looks at it as something you benefit from." In April 2003, Bechtel signed a $680 million contract for reconstruction.
This brutal blueprint has been used over and over again across Latin America, in Africa and in Central and Southeast Asia. It has cost millions of lives. It goes without saying that every war Empire wages becomes a Just War. This, in large part, is due to the role of the corporate media. It's important to understand that the corporate media don't just support the neoliberal project. They are the neoliberal project. This is not a moral position they have chosen to take; it's structural. It's intrinsic to the economics of how the mass media work.
Most nations have adequately hideous family secrets. So it isn't often necessary for the media to lie. It's all in the editing--what's emphasized and what's ignored. Say, for example, India was chosen as the target for a righteous war. The fact that about 80,000 people have been killed in Kashmir since 1989, most of them Muslim, most of them by Indian security forces (making the average death toll about 6,000 a year); the fact that in February and March of 2002 more than 2,000 Muslims were murdered on the streets of Gujarat, that women were gang-raped and children were burned alive and 150,000 driven from their homes while the police and administration watched and sometimes actively participated; the fact that no one has been punished for these crimes and the government that oversaw them was re-elected...all of this would make perfect headlines in international newspapers in the run-up to war.
Next thing we know, our cities will be leveled by cruise missiles, our villages fenced in with razor wire, US soldiers will patrol our streets, and Narendra Modi, Pravin Togadia or any of our popular bigots will, like Saddam Hussein, be in US custody having their hair checked for lice and the fillings in their teeth examined on prime-time TV.
But as long as our "markets" are open, as long as corporations like Enron, Bechtel, Halliburton and Arthur Andersen are given a free hand to take over our infrastructure and take away our jobs, our "democratically elected" leaders can fearlessly blur the lines between democracy, majoritarianism and fascism.
Our government's craven willingness to abandon India's proud tradition of being non-aligned, its rush to fight its way to the head of the queue of the Completely Aligned (the fashionable phrase is "natural ally"--India, Israel and the United States are "natural allies"), has given it the leg room to turn into a repressive regime without compromising its legitimacy.
A government's victims are not only those it kills and imprisons. Those who are displaced and dispossessed and sentenced to a lifetime of starvation and deprivation must count among them too. Millions of people have been dispossessed by "development" projects. In the past fifty-five years, big dams alone have displaced between 33 million and 55 million in India. They have no recourse to justice. In the past two years there have been a series of incidents in which police have opened fire on peaceful protesters, most of them Adivasi and Dalit. When it comes to the poor, and in particular Dalit and Adivasi communities, they get killed for encroaching on forest land, and killed when they're trying to protect forest land from encroachments--by dams, mines, steel plants and other "development" projects. In almost every instance in which the police opened fire, the government's strategy has been to say the firing was provoked by an act of violence. Those who have been fired upon are immediately called militants.
Across the country, thousands of innocent people, including minors, have been arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act and are being held in jail indefinitely and without trial. In the era of the War against Terror, poverty is being slyly conflated with terrorism. In the era of corporate globalization, poverty is a crime. Protesting against further impoverishment is terrorism. And now our Supreme Court says that going on strike is a crime. Criticizing the court is a crime too, of course. They're sealing the exits.
Like Old Imperialism, New Imperialism relies for its success on a network of agents--corrupt local elites who service Empire. We all know the sordid story of Enron in India. The then-Maharashtra government signed a power purchase agreement that gave Enron profits that amounted to 60 percent of India's entire rural development budget. A single American company was guaranteed a profit equivalent to funds for infrastructural development for about 500 million people!
Unlike in the old days, the New Imperialist doesn't need to trudge around the tropics risking malaria or diarrhea or early death. New Imperialism can be conducted on e-mail. The vulgar, hands-on racism of Old Imperialism is outdated. The cornerstone of New Imperialism is New Racism.
The best allegory for New Racism is the tradition of "turkey pardoning" in the United States. Every year since 1947, the National Turkey Federation has presented the US President with a turkey for Thanksgiving. Every year, in a show of ceremonial magnanimity, the President spares that particular bird (and eats another one). After receiving the presidential pardon, the Chosen One is sent to Frying Pan Park in Virginia to live out its natural life. The rest of the 50 million turkeys raised for Thanksgiving are slaughtered and eaten on Thanksgiving Day. ConAgra Foods, the company that has won the Presidential Turkey contract, says it trains the lucky birds to be sociable, to interact with dignitaries, school children and the press. (Soon they'll even speak English!)
That's how New Racism in the corporate era works. A few carefully bred turkeys--the local elites of various countries, a community of wealthy immigrants, investment bankers, the occasional Colin Powell or Condoleezza Rice, some singers, some writers (like myself)--are given absolution and a pass to Frying Pan Park. The remaining millions lose their jobs, are evicted from their homes, have their water and electricity connections cut, and die of AIDS. Basically they're for the pot. But the Fortunate Fowls in Frying Pan Park are doing fine. Some of them even work for the IMF and the WTO--so who can accuse those organizations of being anti-turkey? Some serve as board members on the Turkey Choosing Committee--so who can say that turkeys are against Thanksgiving? They participate in it! Who can say the poor are anti-corporate globalization? There's a stampede to get into Frying Pan Park. So what if most perish on the way?
As part of the project of New Racism we also have New Genocide. New Genocide in this new era of economic interdependence can be facilitated by economic sanctions. New Genocide means creating conditions that lead to mass death without actually going out and killing people. Denis Halliday, who was the UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq between 1997 and 1998 (after which he resigned in disgust), used the term genocide to describe the sanctions in Iraq. In Iraq the sanctions outdid Saddam Hussein's best efforts by claiming more than half a million children's lives.
In the new era, apartheid as formal policy is antiquated and unnecessary. International instruments of trade and finance oversee a complex system of multilateral trade laws and financial agreements that keep the poor in their bantustans anyway. Its whole purpose is to institutionalize inequity. Why else would it be that the US taxes a garment made by a Bangladeshi manufacturer twenty times more than a garment made in Britain? Why else would it be that countries that grow cocoa beans, like the Ivory Coast and Ghana, are taxed out of the market if they try to turn it into chocolate? Why else would it be that countries that grow 90 percent of the world's cocoa beans produce only 5 percent of the world's chocolate? Why else would it be that rich countries that spend over a billion dollars a day on subsidies to farmers demand that poor countries like India withdraw all agricultural subsidies, including subsidized electricity? Why else would it be that after having been plundered by colonizing regimes for more than half a century, former colonies are steeped in debt to those same regimes and repay them some $382 billion a year?
For all these reasons, the derailing of trade agreements at Cancún was crucial for us. Though our governments try to take the credit, we know that it was the result of years of struggle by many millions of people in many, many countries. What Cancún taught us is that in order to inflict real damage and force radical change, it is vital for local resistance movements to make international alliances. From Cancún we learned the importance of globalizing resistance.
No individual nation can stand up to the project of corporate globalization on its own. Time and again we have seen that when it comes to the neoliberal project, the heroes of our times are suddenly diminished. Extraordinary, charismatic men, giants in the opposition, when they seize power and become heads of state, are rendered powerless on the global stage. I'm thinking here of President Lula of Brazil. Lula was the hero of the World Social Forum last year. This year he's busy implementing IMF guidelines, reducing pension benefits and purging radicals from the Workers' Party. I'm thinking also
of the former president of South Africa, Nelson Mandela. Within two years of taking office in 1994, his government genuflected with hardly a caveat to the Market God. It instituted a massive program of privatization and structural adjustment that has left millions of people homeless, jobless and without water and electricity.
Why does this happen? There's little point in beating our breasts and feeling betrayed. Lula and Mandela are, by any reckoning, magnificent men. But the moment they cross the floor from the opposition into government they become hostage to a spectrum of threats--most malevolent among them the threat of capital flight, which can destroy any government overnight. To imagine that a leader's personal charisma and a c.v. of struggle will dent the corporate cartel is to have no understanding of how capitalism works or, for that matter, how power works. Radical change cannot be negotiated by governments; it can only be enforced by people.
At the World Social Forum some of the best minds in the world come together to exchange ideas about what is happening around us. These conversations refine our vision of the kind of world we're fighting for. It is a vital process that must not be undermined. However, if all our energies are diverted into this process at the cost of real political action, then the WSF, which has played such a crucial role in the movement for global justice, runs the risk of becoming an asset to our enemies. What we need to discuss urgently is strategies of resistance. We need to aim at real targets, wage real battles and inflict real damage. Gandhi's salt march was not just political theater. When, in a simple act of defiance, thousands of Indians marched to the sea and made their own salt, they broke the salt tax laws. It was a direct strike at the economic underpinning of the British Empire. It was real. While our movement has won some important victories, we must not allow nonviolent resistance to atrophy into ineffectual, feel-good, political theater. It is a very precious weapon that must be constantly honed and reimagined. It cannot be allowed to become a mere spectacle, a photo opportunity for the media.
It was wonderful that on February 15 last year, in a spectacular display of public morality, 10 million people on five continents marched against the war on Iraq. It was wonderful, but it was not enough. February 15 was a weekend. Nobody had to so much as miss a day of work. Holiday protests don't stop wars. George Bush knows that. The confidence with which he disregarded overwhelming public opinion should be a lesson to us all. Bush believes that Iraq can be occupied and colonized as Afghanistan has been, as Tibet has been, as Chechnya is being, as East Timor once was and Palestine still is. He thinks that all he has to do is hunker down and wait until a crisis-driven media, having picked this crisis to the bone, drops it and moves on. Soon the carcass will slip off the bestseller charts, and all of us outraged folks will lose interest. Or so he hopes.
This movement of ours needs a major, global victory. It's not good enough to be right. Sometimes, if only in order to test our resolve, it's important to win something. In order to win something, we need to agree on something. That something does not need to be an overarching preordained ideology into which we force-fit our delightfully factious, argumentative selves. It does not need to be an unquestioning allegiance to one or another form of resistance to the exclusion of everything else. It could be a minimum agenda.
If all of us are indeed against imperialism and against the project of neoliberalism, then let's turn our gaze on Iraq. Iraq is the inevitable culmination of both. Plenty of antiwar activists have retreated in confusion since the capture of Saddam Hussein. Isn't the world better off without Saddam Hussein? they ask timidly.
Let's look this thing in the eye once and for all. To applaud the US Army's capture of Saddam Hussein, and therefore in retrospect justify its invasion and occupation of Iraq, is like deifying Jack the Ripper for disemboweling the Boston Strangler. And that after a quarter-century partnership in which the Ripping and Strangling was a joint enterprise. It's an
in-house quarrel. They're business partners who fell out over a dirty deal. Jack's the CEO.
So if we are against imperialism, shall we agree that we are against the US occupation and that we believe the United States must withdraw from Iraq and pay reparations to the Iraqi people for the damage that the war has inflicted?
How do we begin to mount our resistance? Let's start with something really small. The issue is not about supporting the resistance in Iraq against the occupation or discussing who exactly constitutes the resistance. (Are they old killer Baathists, are they Islamic fundamentalists?)
We have to become the global resistance to the occupation.
Our resistance has to begin with a refusal to accept the legitimacy of the US occupation of Iraq. It means acting to make it materially impossible for Empire to achieve its aims. It means soldiers should refuse to fight, reservists should refuse to serve, workers should refuse to load ships and aircraft with weapons. It certainly means that in countries like India and Pakistan we must block the US government's plans to have Indian and Pakistani soldiers sent to Iraq to clean up after them.
I suggest we choose by some means two of the major corporations that are profiting from the destruction of Iraq. We could then list every project they are involved in. We could locate their offices in every city and every country across the world. We could go after them. We could shut them down. It's a question of bringing our collective wisdom and experience of past struggles to bear on a single target. It's a question of the desire to win.
The Project for the New American Century seeks to perpetuate inequity and establish American hegemony at any price, even if it's apocalyptic. The World Social Forum demands justice and survival.
For these reasons, we must consider ourselves at war.
Now we finally have a justification for murdering 16,000 human beings in Iraq. The exercise has helped produce abler soldiers and fostered the "warrior ethos". They are stark, raving mad, folks. Our countrymen have lost all sense of morality. We are killing helpless men, women and children in backward Middle Eastern countries that possess no air forces and no way to defend themselves at all and we are doing it partially, at least, to improve the "fighting spirit" of Americans in the service. They truly have gone mad. Bush's speech has emboldened the lunatics.
December 28, 2003
Receipt of an especially offensive bit of spam a couple of days before Christmas seemed to have set the tone for my entire holiday.
"Saddam Captured!!" the graphic screamed in wild yellow display type.
Saddam Hussein's recent demeaning mug shot--the one with the unkempt beard, the bruised face, and disheveled appearance--was prominently displayed with "dead or alive" telescopic sight cross hairs superimposed.
"Get the world's most wanted cards before they sell out for good!" the huckster screamed at me as I attempted to open and discard the trashy email I had not sought.
Credentials alleging the semi-official status of the product were proffered too.
"Cards sold by 140+ media outlets."
"Sold to United States military worldwide."
And finally, "Exclusive licensed cards", whatever that means.
What I had on my hands was a successor to the "most wanted" deck which has been sold in discount stores as a point of sale impulse item, along with the candy bars and the Enquirer, since the Iraq invasion began.
Saddam Hussein was the Ace of Spades in the original deck.
Now the Ace of Spades--numero uno--is behind bars and being tortured, no doubt, and this has prompted entrepreneurs--ever ready to make a buck--to offer a revised deck in this morally upright nation.
The new deck was being forced onto spam victims within three days of Hussein's alleged "capture" by American forces--an event we now know was as fictionalized as was Jessica Lynch's one girl Alamo-like last stand.
Never mind the messy details--the fact that Kurdish soldiers actually captured Saddam Hussein days or weeks earlier and brokered a deal with the Americans before handing him over in a drugged stupor.
Our boys can still play poker on their Bradleys with the new deck that is in as poor taste as a velvet Elvis in a Texas truck stop.
And they can still swagger and talk about "gittin'" Saddam, even if they didn't actually "git" him after all.
One of them can even brag of "slugging" the 66-year-old Saddam after the former dictator had been handcuffed. A Bronze Star for bravery must surely be in order for this boy.
How low will my nation sink and how long will its couch potato population feed blindly on endless demonizations of other men, other nations and other religions, while looking the other way and excusing the continuing cruelty, brutality, deception and lies that characterize the occupation of Iraq?
The tacky, sleazy "Saddam Captured!!" deck now being hawked to American civilians and apparently distributed to U.S. soldiers is indicative of the malaise of the soul in America that causes this writer to no longer feel at home or at peace in the nation of his birth.
America is in a tailspin and I do not see her pulling out of it anytime soon.
Greed, avarice, brutality, racism, religious bigotry and a callous indifference to other nations, cultures, and peoples--indeed, to the entire planet and all other beings on it, in fact,--are running out of control today in America as they have been since George W, Bush slithered into the White House and the office of a presidency he never won.
Dishonesty begets dishonesty.
Evil begets evil.
And the media whores continue to spread the gospel.
I am happy to be in the latter segment of this human life journey because there is little apparent good left in America anymore and certainly no bright future for anyone to anticipate.
Even the wealthy few who have engorged themselves on Bush tax breaks need air to breathe and water to drink and these very essentials of life itself--on the hill as well as in the barrio--are being squandered and poisoned by aberrant Washington neocons now.
There will be no winners in the longer perspective. Investment portfolios won't buy health or peace when there's no air left to breathe or anywhere left to run because the entire human race despises us.
America has in less than half a decade become the most hated and feared nation on earth--the one considered to be the greatest threat to the survival of the human species. That's quite an achievement for one aberrant non-elected administration in three years, but they've done it.
I feel remorse for my children and for all the other young people of my nation who must keep the faith and rear families and attempt as best they can to fulfill the American dream at a time when the American dream as I knew it in my youth is seemingly dead--defeated by a coterie of sour old Republican businessmen who have hijacked a nation for their own selfish and greedy political ends.
I ask myself where "we" went wrong to find ourselves bequeathing to our children and their children men of the caliber of George W. Bush and John Ashcroft when we had Kennedys and Humphreys and McGoverns and even Carters to work with in our time.
These leaders of our salad days were, relatively speaking, each educated, intelligent, compassionate, socially conscious and, to a greater or lesser degree, visionaries--men in a class apart from the brutish knaves running Washington today.
How did we squander our national treasure and allow it to fall into such shabby hands?
Where did we fail?
I am very disquieted as the third year of the Bush presidency ends.
I see no light on the horizon beyond the dark night of the soul my nation now endures.
December 18, 2003
"They've made a mistake to attack U.S. forces," Sassaman said. "No one knows the town better than we do. We're gonna clean this place."
In a chest-beating bravado-laced Associated Press news story of December 17 headlined. "U.S. Hunts for Militants North of Baghdad" readers were treated to a more honest than usual glimpse into the true nature of the present brutal occupation of Iraq and also to the depth of the disregard on the part of American personnel there for the sanctity of Iraqi neighborhoods, homes, properties and citizens.
The reporter, Aleksandar Vasovic, as well as 4th Infantry Division Lt. Col. Nate Sassaman and an unnamed enlisted soldier, swaggered through the piece with "tough guy" talk and flippant, violence-laced descriptions of an operation carried out in the middle of the night of December 17 in Samarra, Iraq.
"Using sledgehammers, crowbars, explosives and armored vehicles, U.S. forces smashed down the gates of homes and the doors of workshops and junkyards Wednesday to attack the Iraqi resistance that has persisted despite the capture of Saddam Hussein," Vasovic explained without embarrassment or apology.
Apparently emboldened and heady still from the orgiastic exultation that had followed the capture and public humiliation of Saddam Hussein December 13, American military spokespersons and the censors that could have edited an embedded reporter's dispatch, allowed the military's disregard for the dignity of Iraqis--even of women and children in the middle of the night--to ooze bloodily through in the hate-mongering paragraphs that followed.
"Loud blasts mixed with the sound of women and children screaming inside the houses. An explosion at the gate of one compound shattered windows, cutting a 1-year-old baby with glass," Vasovic wrote in his word portrait.
Suggesting a tone of sarcastic sadism and unlimited violence to come that should chill the blood of any decent American--one that would do justice to Attila the Hun--Sassaman swaggered as John Wayne rehearsing lines on the set of a B grade serial western.
"Samarra has been a little bit of a thorn in our side," said Col. Nate Sassaman. "It hasn't come along as quickly as other cities in the rebuilding of Iraq. This operation is designed to bring them up to speed."
"They've made a mistake to attack U.S. forces," Sassaman said. "No one knows the town better than we do. We're gonna clean this place," he offered a bit farther along in the story.
Gonna clean the place, huh, Sassaman?
Gonna kick some Arab ass, huh, Sassaman?
This because Samarra's residents dared to fight with limited and improvised weaponry the unprovoked and cowardly invasion and occupation of their small nation by the most powerful military machine on the planet earth--an invasion that has no more legitimacy than did Hitler's blitzkrieg on Poland in September 1939.
How dare mere Iraqis attempt to or even think to resist your indomitable boys in their Bradleys and Apaches--Christian warriors commissioned by George W. Bush and Lt. Gen. William "Jerry" Boykin to "clean up" Iraq and probably the rest of the non-Zionist Middle East too, truth be known.
How dare they!
Iraqis are "evil doers" all--evil doers down to the 1-year-old with the glass cut and the women screaming in the middle of the night as their men were snatched from the marriage bed.
Evil doers deserve no mercy.
Find a live oak and hang 'um high.
Put Saddam on the sorrel and let him dance first.
Everything exists in simplistic black and white tones of good vs. evil in the world of George W. Bush, Sassaman and Boykin.
When the enlisted men at Samarra had their turn to talk, one flippantly allowed as how locksmithing would be a booming business the next day, so many doors of private dwellings had they blown open or knocked down with American machines.
There was no humanity--no regret--no reflection--in his tone.
"Locksmiths will make a lot of money these days," said a U.S. soldier, laughing as he sat atop a Bradley," Vasovic recorded.
This is what it comes down to in Iraq now, my American compatriots.
A brutal band of bullies in the night breaking down doors and terrorizing Iraqis in their homes and beds.
They're winning few hearts and minds with such tactics. Nor do they care. They are occupiers there to build military bases, instill fear, pump oil, and stay.
They're not liberators sent to repair, heal and leave.
The present ill-advised, illegal and immoral American occupation of Iraq is building a reservoir of hatred for Americans and the West in the Middle East that will outlive us all.
It is the gravest foreign policy blunder of the United States since Vietnam at least--perhaps in the 227-year history of the nation.
Saddam Hussein Saddam Hussein's capture, as his sons' and grandson's murder last summer, will not end the insurgency of Iraqi freedom fighters against colonial domination of their nation by the United States of America. Nor does his capture lend one whit of legitimacy to the murder of tens of thousands of innocent Iraqis by the American military machine since the unwarranted invasion of their nation in March 2003. Let us never forget that Saddam had NO weapons of mass destruction and NO connection whatsoever with events of September 11, 2001 and was NO threat to the United States of America. Also, let us never permit anyone to forget that George W. Bush remains a monumental liar who peddled endless falsehoods to a frightened American public to justify a unilateral colonial invasion of Iraq that was not about saving the world from Saddam Hussein but, rather, about oil and strategic political and military hegemony. Nothing more. The United States supports at this time innumerable tin horn dictators of Saddam Hussein's stripe and will continue to do so as long as those dictators serve the political goals of this, the most hypocritical, vicious and scheming nation in the family of man. Saddam's capture will represent a public relations bonanza for George W. Bush in his reelection bid and will occupy the minds of naive and dumbed down American couch potatoes for a time as Fox News fans the flames of Islamaphobia with the story. But the dying in Iraq will continue unabated and the unilateral and preemptive occupation of Iraq--a war crime in itself bereft of any moral justification--will not succeed in the longer view of history. By way of closing, I am compelled to note that I do not personally hate Saddam Hussein. I feel compassion for the man and believe that he should be treated humanely and in accordance with the Geneva Conventions. D. Grant Haynes December 14, 2003
Saddam Hussein's capture, as his sons' and grandson's murder last summer, will not end the insurgency of Iraqi freedom fighters against colonial domination of their nation by the United States of America.
Nor does his capture lend one whit of legitimacy to the murder of tens of thousands of innocent Iraqis by the American military machine since the unwarranted invasion of their nation in March 2003.
Let us never forget that Saddam had NO weapons of mass destruction and NO connection whatsoever with events of September 11, 2001 and was NO threat to the United States of America.
Also, let us never permit anyone to forget that George W. Bush remains a monumental liar who peddled endless falsehoods to a frightened American public to justify a unilateral colonial invasion of Iraq that was not about saving the world from Saddam Hussein but, rather, about oil and strategic political and military hegemony. Nothing more.
The United States supports at this time innumerable tin horn dictators of Saddam Hussein's stripe and will continue to do so as long as those dictators serve the political goals of this, the most hypocritical, vicious and scheming nation in the family of man.
Saddam's capture will represent a public relations bonanza for George W. Bush in his reelection bid and will occupy the minds of naive and dumbed down American couch potatoes for a time as Fox News fans the flames of Islamaphobia with the story.
But the dying in Iraq will continue unabated and the unilateral and preemptive occupation of Iraq--a war crime in itself bereft of any moral justification--will not succeed in the longer view of history.
By way of closing, I am compelled to note that I do not personally hate Saddam Hussein. I feel compassion for the man and believe that he should be treated humanely and in accordance with the Geneva Conventions.
December 14, 2003
September 15, 2002
One is forced to wonder where the current flock of posturing American war hawks who are so intent upon invading Iraq were back in the days of the Cold War when a belligerent Soviet Union had thousands of nuclear missile warheads aimed at American cities and a land army considerably larger than ours.
Why didn't American forces launch an invasion of the Soviet Union similar to the one now being planned against Iraq?
After all, the Soviets were definitely a threat to our security. And they certainly had plenty of nuclear and biological weapons--a thousand times more than Saddam Hussein could ever amass.
I believe the answer is fairly simple. The Soviets were capable of offering resistance and would have returned fire on a massive intercontinental scale.
Our generals and politicians determined discretion to be the better part of valor at that time and accepted the so-called "balance of terror" that characterized the Cold War Era.
By way of contrast, Iraq is a small, primitive, sparsely populated Third World nation with limited military potential, no offensive capability beyond the Middle East, and, lest we forget, vast petroleum reserves.
Iraq can be pummeled indefinitely from 30,000 feet and will be incapable of mounting resistance or posing a serious threat to the lives of American flight crews involved in what will be called a "war" by the Bush administration and America's corporate media whores.
There will be no war--only death from six miles up to thousands of Iraqi men, women and children who have done me no harm and against whom I harbor no ill will.
The Bush administration's strong-arm tactics with the United Nations Security Council to secure a consensus for an assault against the sovereign nation of Iraq on the basis of alleged but still undisclosed "evidence" that Iraq has biological weapons and is seeking to develop a nuclear capability would be laughable were it not so serious in its implications.
The United States of America has no moral right or imperative to arbitrarily and selectively "punish" smaller and poorer nations on a whim--because leaders of the targeted nations are less than honorable men--or because said leaders "might" be thinking about how atomic bombs work or "might" have biological agents.
Iraq poses no direct threat to the United States and most of the Middle Eastern nations against whom she could mount a threat are more than capable of defending themselves.
There is no moral justification whatsoever for Americans to slaughter thousands--perhaps hundreds of thousands--of Iraqis to force an internal regime change and installation of a puppet government consisting of "yes" men for the Bush administration--a government whose titular leader will be, as in Afghanistan, so unpopular that he must be continuously protected from his own people by the American military.
But that's apparently what is about to occur.
Congress is being given a four-week window to rubber stamp the administration's mad plan for Iraq's destruction without so much as a break for members to directly consult their constituents back home. White House legal advisers have already said Bush doesn't have to secure congressional approval before beginning the blitz in any case.
Bush has said America will go into Iraq alone if the United Nations Security Council doesn't lend unconditional support to his plans for a forced regime change there and one can assume that he will. Who's to prevent it? He's the commander-in-chief of the dominant military power among the nations of men at this unhappy juncture in human history and he can do as he damned well pleases.
Get out your beer nuts and Budweiser, mindless American couch potatoes. This one's gonna' have you standin' up and cheerin' like it's Super Bowl weekend. You'll get a better adrenalin rush than you did with First Blood, Terminator 2, and Tom Clancy's Arab-baiting The Sum of All Fears, combined.
You and your overbearing children will learn to hate all Middle Easterners and you'll come to enjoy seeing Saddam Hussein's soldiers incinerated from on high by Christian warriors--Armageddon-like.
You will not be encouraged to think of Iraqis as human beings with mothers and fathers and wives and children who love them. Rather, you'll be desensitized and will see them only as moving targets to be zapped by the deft joy stick finger with which you play your violence-prone computer games.
Sock! Bang! Pow! Boom! There goes another one!
The only good Iraqi is a dead Iraqi!
Damned! That must have been a thermobaric bomb! I'll wager that suffocated those Islamic sons-of-bitches!
Dan Rather and Peter Jennings will spend weeks solemnly narrating pyrotechnic feeds from a dying Baghdad as global capitalism wages another brave war against men and women in donkey carts and adobe huts.
I want no part of the economically and politically motivated high tech slaughter likely being planned by the Bush administration for Iraq in the upcoming media spectacular, "Persian Gulf War, Part II".
November 17, 2001
Dear Post-911 Flag-Waving Fellow Americans:
After reading your newspapers--after listening to your corporate media's propagandistic version of the so-called "War Against Terrorism" now under way in Afghanistan--after seeing your flag-decked SUV's with the Pisces emblems on the one side and National Rifle Association stickers on the other--after enduring this national adrenalin rush daily for the past two months--I have concluded that you are, by and large, a shallow, callous, insular, naively manipulable and infinitely self-righteous lot.
You are dangerously intoxicated at this time with a virulent strain of myopic ethnocentrism approaching Third Reich fanaticism--one that is most unattractive to the quiet minority here who can't in good conscience join your sloganeered, bumper-stickered, anthem-singing, flag-flapping, Arab-hating hysteria.
You are riding the crest of a wave of blind arrogance, egocentric hedonism and aggressive nationalism that cannot last--one that will inevitably lead to a cataclysmic fall in time.
I do not know how these things will evolve. I am no prophet or seer. But of this I am reasonably certain. You will be--you must be--humbled. Karmic laws are inexorable, inescapable and universal. America is ripe for a humbling as the 21st Century begins.
I do not wish this to be the case. I live here, as have my forebears for at least six generations. I have children and grandchildren who will suffer when the collapse occurs. But I see this national adjustment as inevitable.
You as a people are not better than--you do not deserve more of everything than--any other group on the planet.
You do not possess an inherent right to abuse--to show utter disregard for--other human cultures and groups, as well as every other species with which you share this tiny blue orb.
You do not possess an inherent right to destroy the very Earth that has nurtured you with your outsized contribution to global pollution--one that will bring catastrophic climate changes and sea level alterations within the present century.
You are not so very special and unique as you may imagine, flag-waving Americans. Deity has not singled you out for preferential treatment and predestined dominance. You are merely the current bully on the block--an ephemeral thing at best. Bullies come and go.
In the longer view of history, you will go the way of other civilizations that became overly extended, overly aggressive, overly confident, overly materialistic, and overtly abusive toward all that did not embrace unflinchingly their narrowly defined interests and values.
I have thought often during recent days of Thomas Jefferson's remark regarding the institution of slavery--a gathering storm in his time.
He said, "...I tremble for my country when I reflect that God is just."
Indeed, I tremble today for my country because I know my fellows are on a course that cannot end well.
Beware of an opportunistic politician with the sudden onset of a grand diversionary 'vision' January 15, 2004 By D. Grant Haynes Concerning Bush's newly discovered "vision" of America's future in space, George W. Bush has less vision about the future utilization of space--about mankind's eventual and inevitable reach for the stars--than does the fly that buzzes about my head today. Bush is a small-minded and cynical opportunist of limited intellect and vision who happens to be in the White House (illegitimately) at a point in the 40-plus-year ongoing space program when Spirit Rover--a particular Mars exploration mission planned well before his tenure in Washington-- has proven to be uncommonly successful as Mars missions go. Being the crass political opportunist he is, Bush (or, rather, his handlers and speech writers) have suddenly discovered a lofty "vision" of his that sees Americans going back to the moon between 2015 and 2020 and to the planet Mars thereafter. Should America and the human race be unfortunate enough to see Bush retain the presidency later this year, any influence he may have on the future of the American space program will be as baneful as his influence on all else has been. Bush and his neocon megalomaniacs would immediately seek to militarize space for the selfish nationalistic advantage of their nation. It is inevitable. That is their mind set in all things. They will be as mean, self-centered, greedy and brutish in space as they are domestically, in the Middle East, and everywhere else their influence has been exerted. Before heading for the final frontier, the Bush cabal would do well to (a) find an exit strategy from the deepening Iraq quagmire and (b) set straight a faltering domestic economy that reels under a $500 billion deficit born of excessive tax breaks for the wealthy and the present unnecessary, unlawful and immoral war on Iraq. Bush's "space vision" is pure election year balderdash timed to deflect media and public attention from 15 Democratic primaries and caucuses to be held in the next 30 days. And, as might be expected, endlessly groveling corporate media whores are dutifully publishing and republishing Bush's manufactured hoopla about his vision of America's future role in space with perfectly straight faces as they relegate news from Iraq and the Democratic primary campaigns to positions of secondary importance.
January 15, 2004
Concerning Bush's newly discovered "vision" of America's future in space, George W. Bush has less vision about the future utilization of space--about mankind's eventual and inevitable reach for the stars--than does the fly that buzzes about my head today.
Bush is a small-minded and cynical opportunist of limited intellect and vision who happens to be in the White House (illegitimately) at a point in the 40-plus-year ongoing space program when Spirit Rover--a particular Mars exploration mission planned well before his tenure in Washington-- has proven to be uncommonly successful as Mars missions go.
Being the crass political opportunist he is, Bush (or, rather, his handlers and speech writers) have suddenly discovered a lofty "vision" of his that sees Americans going back to the moon between 2015 and 2020 and to the planet Mars thereafter.
Should America and the human race be unfortunate enough to see Bush retain the presidency later this year, any influence he may have on the future of the American space program will be as baneful as his influence on all else has been.
Bush and his neocon megalomaniacs would immediately seek to militarize space for the selfish nationalistic advantage of their nation. It is inevitable. That is their mind set in all things. They will be as mean, self-centered, greedy and brutish in space as they are domestically, in the Middle East, and everywhere else their influence has been exerted.
Before heading for the final frontier, the Bush cabal would do well to (a) find an exit strategy from the deepening Iraq quagmire and (b) set straight a faltering domestic economy that reels under a $500 billion deficit born of excessive tax breaks for the wealthy and the present unnecessary, unlawful and immoral war on Iraq.
Bush's "space vision" is pure election year balderdash timed to deflect media and public attention from 15 Democratic primaries and caucuses to be held in the next 30 days.
And, as might be expected, endlessly groveling corporate media whores are dutifully publishing and republishing Bush's manufactured hoopla about his vision of America's future role in space with perfectly straight faces as they relegate news from Iraq and the Democratic primary campaigns to positions of secondary importance.
A year after the midterm elections of November 2002 you, naive Americans, are beginning to learn the hard lessons a few of us foresaw.
You now have on your collective hands in Iraq a disaster of major proportions--one you could have helped avert by failing to give the Bush agenda so rousing an approval.
And on the domestic front the aberrant Bush administration is busily dismantling Medicare, Social Security and environmental protection laws as quickly as cowardly and compliant congressmen from both sides of the aisle can vote the changes.
You could also have prevented these cascading calamities--disasters that will haunt you, your children, and your grandchildren for generations to come.
But you would not.
You approved of Republicans and of their agenda and voted more of them into office in November 2002.
Your collective stupidity provided George W. Bush with encouragement to foster the mayhem he is now visiting upon the nation and the world.
We who fought this disaster with all our power to the last hour will NEVER forgive you for what you have done to our nation.
Personally, I simply want out--out of America and out of your disgusting presences.
December 9, 2003
November 5, 2002
Americans, you have indicated by your actions in the midterm elections of November 5, 2002, that you deserve the government that was foisted upon you in a questionable manner two years ago.
There will be no further sympathy or compassion for you in this quarter--only for the present and future victims of your new reckless imperialism and insane drive toward economic and military domination of the planet.
The cowering Third World masses now in the cross hairs of your high tech killing machinery deserve sympathy, compassion and deliverance, but you, collectively, deserve no consideration.
You had the opportunity today to reverse the determined direction taken by the Bush cabal in the past two years. You could have voted enough Republicans out of office to blunt their arrogance and sober their aggressive intent.
But you did not.
Rather, with your votes you gave them a green light--carte blanche approval--for the war, conquest, colonization and genocide agenda for Iraq lying in readiness on the Pentagon's war room tables even now.
So be it.
You have made your beds hard as a society by your choices today. Now, lie in them and don't whine at the pain surely to follow--a revived draft, body bags and flag-draped caskets at Arlington, and the continuing decline of an America that was robust, healthy, at peace, possessed of a budget surplus, and respected throughout the world two short years ago.
It is all gone now because of your collective stupidity and folly.
____________________________________________________________
Every nation has the government it deserves."
Joseph de Maistre
American combat deaths in Middle East during period of Nov. 1-28, 2003
___________________________________________
You will note that several of the deaths in the table below are described as resulting from "non-hostile" gunshot wounds. Does this imply suicide?
The media doesn't give much play to combat deaths when something more "important" grabs the headlines--something like George W. Bush's surprise 2.5 hour pre-election photo op visit to Baghdad on Thanksgiving Day, for instance.
A listing of combat deaths within specified time periods can be accessed by going to the following Department of Defense site and clicking on a miniscule and easily overlooked link titled "Casualty Reports" at the bottom of the site well below the news about how well things are going.
http://www.centcom.mil/
"Republicans seem to think there is an inspiring quality in giving more money to the top one percent. When I read this, I am reminded of the 'Horse and Sparrow' theory of economics--that if you feed enough oats to the horse, some will pass through to feed the sparrows." James K. Galbraith
"Republicans seem to think there is an inspiring quality in giving more money to the top one percent. When I read this, I am reminded of the 'Horse and Sparrow' theory of economics--that if you feed enough oats to the horse, some will pass through to feed the sparrows."
James K. Galbraith
January 2003
The January 6 Associated Press headline read, "Dow Jumps 130 on Anticipation of Tax Cut".
George W. Bush was preparing to give the wealthy of this nation their second undeserved bonus package in as many years.
The first had come in 2001 shortly after he was appointed to the Oval Office he never won.
That 2001 tax package--one allegedly designed to "stimulate" an economy that needed no stimulation until the disaster that is the Bush administration came to town--had seen refund checks in the mail to American tax payers within weeks of its passage by Congress.
As in most else supply-sider Bush and his economic advisers have done to "stimulate" the economy, the 2001 tax package was weighted heavily in favor of the wealthy on the basis of the so-called "trickle down" theory of economics.
The trickle down idea is, of course, that if you put more money into the pockets of excessively prosperous investment capitalists at the top of the heap--those who live off their dividends and the labors of others--they will, in turn, make more investment capital available to open more shops, expand more enterprises, and hire more drudges at the bottom of the heap, thereby stimulating the economy.
The hapless drudges--the have-nots--will, it is assumed, be ever so grateful for their penurious minimum wage salaries and will dutifully spend as much of each week's wages as possible at the local discount store on whatever shoddy icons of emptiness Madison Avenue has invented for them to "need" during a particular season or at a given time.
Billy Bob will go home to his trailer, pop a top, and listen to a CD on his gimmicky new toy that was assembled by sweatshop labor in some distant land, while the wily investor prepares to reinvest the derived profit from his previous investment round (oh yes, there must be profit, else there would be no investment) in another scheme to snag Billy Bob's extra $75 next month or season.
Those who have nothing will continue to have nothing and those who have the most will gain ever more with each round of investment.
Everybody will be happy and the economy will hum.
Something like that, anyway.
The trickle down theory of economics apparently doesn't work as well in the real world as on paper in the president's rarefied world of excess and privilege.
Bush's bear market was not rejuvenated by his 2001 tax giveaway and the Dow has continued to play footsie with 8000 for the better part of his two years in office.
When investors are cautious, as well they should be with Bush at the helm, they apparently sit on their savings or invest conservatively in other areas that have a less direct effect on the economy.
Aside from the unworkability of trickle down economics, there is also a fundamental moral flaw in the concept.
It is, in this writer's opinion, reprehensible that Billy Bob and his family should be expected to always be satisfied with the crumbs from the table of capitalistic excesses that is the lifestyle of the top ten percent, economically, when a fairer and more equitable distribution of the wealth of the nation would see everyone with more than enough on which to live comfortably.
The dog-eat-dog world of laissez-faire capitalism is inherently harsh, cruel, self-centered, uncaring and inhumane. No altruism here.
All of which is probably academic at this point in time, though perhaps not always.
Back to Bush's 2001 tax package.
Under the 2001 stimulus package, the poorest 20 percent of American taxpayers could expect to see their taxes cut by an average of $47 a year for the next 10 years.
By contrast, the wealthiest 10 percent of Americans were awarded tax cuts averaging $7,300 a year over the next decade.
And the super-rich--the top one percent of Americans in terms of annual income--could look forward to an average of $54,480 a year in income tax reductions as the 2001 tax package was signed into law.
This unwarranted windfall from Bush to American capitalism's crème de crème would amount to 45 percent of the entire $364 billion revenue loss the Treasury Department anticipated in the 2001 tax giveaway, according to calculations circulated at that time.
But that's history now.
Bush's 2001 tax cut became law.
The super-rich bought another SUV with their $54,480 tax saving.
The very prosperous probably spent their $7,300 tax saving on a few new and trendy adult toys to enhance their largely hedonistic and inane lifestyles.
And those of us at the bottom of the heap--the ones with the old cars that leak fluids and won't start on cold mornings--the ones of us with no health insurance, limited dental and ocular care, and a grocery list plagued by a preponderance of canned goods--we bought a week's supply of staples with our $47 tax saving.
Having succeeded in the first months of his presidency to shamelessly tilt the tax tables to favor the wealthy at the expense of a budget surplus inherited from Bill Clinton and to the detriment of the rest of us, one might have assumed Bush would leave well enough alone for a time--at least for the remainder of his first term.
There was his "war on terrorism"-- an adventure that will absorb hundreds of billions of dollars for decades, we are told.
And there had been the one-two-three punches of 911, the collapse of MCI WorldCom and the collapse of Enron, two corporations whose wheeler-dealer accountants finally ran out of new lies and new sets of books to cook.
Each of these body blows to a previously prosperous and reasonably positive America had left gaping tears in the social, financial, and psychological fabrics of the nation.
Unprecedented unemployment and devaluation of millions of 401K retirement nest eggs followed as Wall Street slid from a Dow Jones average that seldom closed under 10,000 during the last year of President Clinton's administration to one that rarely topped 8,500 after 18 months of Bush policies.
Indeed, there were multiple reasons to support the assumption the president would not push Congress for further tax breaks for the wealthy in a country that had already conducted a costly military assault on Afghanistan and was preparing a much costlier and, arguably, less justified one on Iraq in the wake still of 911.
More frivolous tax giveaways for the St. Moritz set were out of the question for the foreseeable future.
Right?
No, wrong.
I believe many of us failed to fully grasp the true nature and grave implications of the Bush coup d'tat of 2000 until January 6 of this year when our appointed president unveiled a revised and drastically more ambitious tax relief plan to supersede the 2001 version.
The latest tax giveaway scheme--one that will cost roughly $670 billion rather than the previous $364 billion--is allegedly aimed at jump starting the still flagging Bush economy--an economy for which Alan Greenspan has run out of prime rate cuts and AP business desk toadies out of ingenious new spins.
This time, the sop to wealth is more brazen and less measured.
The president has asked Congress to abolish all stock dividend taxes. The move, if accepted by Congress, will almost double the cost to the nation of Bush's tax relief schemes for America's millionaires.
Critics of the dividend tax slash were quickly accused by Bush of engaging in the rhetoric of "class warfare".
You can bet your sweet, gilded Cadillac Escalate key fob we're talking about class warfare, Mr. President.
You have declared economic war on the lower and middle classes in America and on democracy itself with your unwise, strong arm tactics to redistribute wealth upwardly at the expense of our lives, our health and our general well being.
Your brazen policies to favor the wealthy will exacerbate class antagonisms and the likelihood of eventual class warfare. The choice was yours, not ours.
Bush is now also asking that his tax reduction stimulus package adopted in 2001 be speeded up to give more away faster--again, to those least in need, as social welfare programs, environmental protection plans and a plethora of other compassionate initiatives of the Clinton years fall by the wayside.
There is no reason to expect any opposition to Bush's 2003 tax package from a Congress wholly controlled by Republicans and otherwise populated by cowardly Democrats who would not stand up to Bush even before they deservedly lost a majority in the disastrous mid-term election. The package will pass with minor changes at best.
The watchdog organization, Citizens for Tax Justice, commented recently on the president's latest and most bold attempt to establish a plutocracy of wealth in America.
"The wealthiest 1 percent of taxpayers--those who make over $356,000 a year--will get almost 50 percent of the benefit of eliminating the tax on dividends and 45 percent of the money from accelerating the rate cuts. The 80 percent of the households making less than $73,000 a year would get less than 10 percent of the new tax breaks."
Let's face it folks, the United States of America has undergone a revolution in which money, power and privilege have ousted representative democracy.
The president was appointed by five conservative Supreme Court justices against the will of the majority of voting Americans in 2000.
His administration is disassembling Bill of Rights freedoms honored since Thomas Jefferson and company penned them more than 225 years ago.
And his administration is diligently organizing a police state with the right (thanks to a spineless Congress) to invade the privacy of any private communication link or any dwelling place at will.
The America we have known is no more.
As Democratic advocate and commentator James Carville said following the mid-term election in November, "the American people just don't have any idea as to what's coming."
Indeed.
The junta now entrenching itself in Washington is erecting barricades to any pendulum swing back to the nominal and workable center of American politics in the foreseeable future.
They aren't planning on losing an election soon and they won't if chicanery and voter fraud such as we saw in Florida two years ago can prevent the occurrence.
Considering the speed with which they have consolidated power, and the very magnitude of the changes they have wrought in long-accepted constitutional guarantees, who would venture to guess how far the Bush administration will go in 2004 to insure a victory, should there be widespread dissent and popular opposition?
The Bush cabal--all millionaires from the outset--are going for broke--for the jackpot--for their prosperity and their six-figured constituency's hegemony over the nation and the world.
To hell with the rest of us in America, and to hell with any Third World people whose natural resources this colossal and malignant octopus of a consuming and destroying imperialistic nation covets.
The rules have changed and we are all fair game now.
We as a nation are headed--or more accurately, are being dragged, kicking and screaming in many cases, perhaps--in a direction and to a place vast numbers of us do not wish to go.
But go we must for the time being. They are in control of both houses of Congress and the lunacy has only just begun.
Times will become hard for the poor and for those on moderate and fixed incomes in the next years.
Unemployment continues to rise and major economic indicators--consumer confidence, retail sales, and others--continue to fall or flat line, despite rate cut after rate cut from the Federal Reserve and sop after sop to the wealthy.
Nothing is turning the economy or the nation around as Bush continues to give more and more to his constituency at the expense of the rest of us.
Trickle down is not working. Too little is trickling down.
The spiral into the abyss may take some years, but it has begun in earnest and is gaining momentum.
This is a cruel but apparently necessary process--one that must precede the drastic changes that are needed in America.
When the experiences of loss of income, loss of health care (for those fortunate enough to have had any), loss of property, loss of dignity and loss of hope become unbearable for enough people--when tens of millions of low and middle income Americans have meager rations, nowhere to live, and nothing to lose--a solution will be waiting in the wings.
The greed hounds of Wall Street and a thousand sequestered corporate board rooms are forcing the silent, suffering majority in America into a corner from which there will be no choice eventually but to come out fighting.
A thoroughgoing egalitarian socialist revolution is needed in America--a revolution in which parasitic capitalists who have become so greedy, aggressive, arrogant and overbearing of late lose their privileged places at the human table that should be the American experience.
But the time is not right just yet. Conditions must get worse--much worse--first.
This, because Americans have been conditioned and traumatized by their capitalistic masters into an unthinking, uncritical knee-jerk reaction to the very term "socialism". They aren't ready quite yet to waken from this imposed lethargy.
But waken they must sooner or later if they are ever to throw off the chains now being forged in Washington by an aberration of an administration bent on establishing a predatory military plutocracy that accords ever more privilege and financial advantage to the wealthy few at home while threatening the very survival of the human race abroad with reckless, unprovoked and unjustified imperialistic adventures.
Americans must take back their ship of state eventually and build a more equitable one from the ground up. The present structure has foundered on the shoals of greed, arrogance of power and undeserved wealth, as well as on cultural and ethnic elitism. She is listing badly.
"In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed -- a class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find work only so long as their labor increases capital. These laborers, who must sell themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce, and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all the fluctuations of the market."
Manifesto of the Communist Party Karl Marx and Frederick Engels
Manifesto of the Communist Party
Karl Marx and Frederick Engels
When they get through torturing, tormenting, humiliating and killing Saddam Hussein, they should consider bringing before an international war crimes tribunal the commander-in-chief of American forces in Afghanistan when the following gross human rights violations occurred.
December 15, 2003
(Listen to Democracy Now's first U.S. airing of "Afghan Massacre: The Convoy of Death" at the following audio link.) Afghan Massacre: The Convoy of Death
(Listen to Democracy Now's first U.S. airing of "Afghan Massacre: The Convoy of Death" at the following audio link.)
By Stefan Steinberg
17 March 2003
On March 6, the German television programme Panorama presented fresh evidence implicating US troops in the massacre of Taliban prisoners during the 2001 war in Afghanistan. Shown on the ARD channel, the programme presented footage, including interviews with two Afghan government ministers who confirmed the presence of American troops during the transportation and killing of surrendered Taliban prisoners.
A documentary film made by Scottish director Jamie Doran--shown in an uncompleted form to members of the European Parliament and other selected audiences in Europe last June--presented the first public charges of American involvement in war crimes in Afghanistan.
Doran's film documents events following the November 21, 2001 fall of Konduz, the Taliban's last stronghold in northern Afghanistan. The film presents a series of witnesses who testify that American military forces participated in the armed assault and killing of several hundred Taliban prisoners in the Qala-i-Janghi fortress. Witnesses also allege that, following the events at Qala-i-Janghi, the American army command, together with troops of the Northern Alliance, were complicit in the killing and disposal of a further 3,000 prisoners, out of a total of 8,000 who surrendered after the battle of Konduz.
Hundreds of prisoners died of suffocation in the course of transportation in closed containers to the prison of Shibarghan. The transport finally ended in a stretch of desert known as Dasht-i-Leili, near Mazar-i-Sharif, where dead bodies were unloaded and several hundred prisoners who were still alive were shot to death.
The US State Department has consistently denied any American involvement in the massacre of prisoners in the desert near Mazar-i-Sharif by forces loyal to the commander of the Northern Alliance, General Rashid Dostum. Dostum was the closest ally of American forces in November 2001 when fighting in Afghanistan reached its peak.
Following the showing of the rough cut of Doran's film the Pentagon issued a June 13, 2002 statement denying US complicity in the torture and murder of POWs. The US State Department followed suit with a formal denial one day later.
In December of last year, Doran's completed film "Massacre in Afghanistan-Did the Americans Look On?" was shown to German audiences. The film has already been shown in Britain and Italy and has been bought for showing in a total of 11 other countries. The American media has blocked virtually all coverage of the film and its allegations. The film was recently released, however, on video-titled Afghan Massacre-Convoy of Death, available from Doran's production company at www.acftv.net.
Prior to the German broadcast, a State Department spokesman, Larry Schwartz, declared: "It is a mystery to us why a respected television channel is showing a documentary in which the facts are completely wrong and which unfairly depicts the US mission in Afghanistan." Following the December transmission, State Department officials once again denied any involvement by US troops in the killing of Taliban prisoners.
Now the allegations raised in Doran's film have been confirmed for the first time by Afghan government officials. German reporters accompanied a small team representing the German parliamentary committee for Human Rights to Afghanistan on a trip to investigate the background to the events in Mazar-i-Sharif. In the course of their research, the reporters were able to briefly interview Rashid Dostum, who now occupies the post of joint Deputy Defence Minister of Afghanistan.
In the interview, Dostum acknowledged that the killing of prisoners had taken place. He was not prepared to be drawn out, however, on the role played by US troops in these killings. Dostum shares the deputy post at the Afghan Defence Ministry with another general, Atig ullah Barialei, who was much more forthright and conceded that American troops were in attendance at this massacre.
Barialei stated in an interview with Panorama reporters at the Defence Ministry that, in his opinion, what had taken place in the desert was a war crime, and he confirmed that "at all the incidents which took place, American troops were present."
Barialei's charge was confirmed by Afghanistan's Interior Minister Taj Muhammed Wardak. Wardak acknowledged that unarmed prisoners had been killed in an operation that he called an "accident". Wardak went on to acknowledge that US troops were present during both the transportation and killing of the prisoners. Shortly after his interview with Panorama, Wardak resigned his post as interior minister for reasons that remain unclear.
In a comment for the Panorama programme, Christa Nickels, representing the German parliamentary committee for Human Rights, stated that she was convinced beyond any doubt that a massacre of prisoners had taken place. The prisoners had previously been disarmed, and their killing was in blatant violation of international law. She added that the statements made by Afghan government officials served to reinforce allegations that American Special Forces troops were present during the killings.
The United Nations had agreed to organise a fullscale investigation of the events at Mazar-i-Sharif this spring, but according to a representative of Physicians for Human Rights interviewed in the Panorama documentary, there is little chance of such a probe ever taking place. No agreement has been reached with the government of Afghanistan for the protection of those who would do the investigating, and the UN is displaying little willingness to ensure on its own that suitable protection be made available.
Since Doran's film was completed, two of the eyewitnesses who testified on camera to seeing US soldiers at the scene of the killings have themselves been murdered. Other witnesses and co-workers of the filmmaker have received death threats.
The Panorama documentary ends with recent footage of the desert where the massacre took place. There are indications of digging suggesting that an attempt is underway to destroy the evidence of a war crime. The film's narrator warns that a forthcoming war in Iraq, with all its new attendant horrors, could serve to finally distract all attention from the involvement of US forces in the war crimes carried out at Mazar-i-Sharif.
Bush: a portrait of sadism and ignorance By Bill Vann WSWS 18 December 2003 Media reports on the nationally televised interview with George W. Bush broadcast by ABC News Tuesday night focused on the American president's call for the execution of Saddam Hussein. "Zap rat Saddam, sez Prez," was the way the New York Daily News summed up the contents of Bush's remarks. The general portrayal was one of a tough-talking leader moved by feelings of personal outrage to demand that the former Iraqi president pay the "ultimate penalty" for his crimes. Those who actually sat through the interview and who know Bush's record, however, may not be so impressed. When he was governor of Texas, the "ultimate penalty" was altogether routine. He presided over 152 executions, more than any other governor in US history, and once allowed that he spent an average of just 15 minutes reviewing cases before giving the order to put human beings-including the mentally ill-to death. After becoming president, he has resumed the use of the federal death penalty for the first time in the US since 1963, ordering the execution of a Persian Gulf War veteran on the very eve of launching the invasion of Iraq last March. For Bush, imposing the death penalty is less a matter of moral outrage than vicarious thrill. His personal sadism and the "kick" he gets from exercising this ultimate power was revealed most noxiously in his public mimicking of the plea for clemency by a condemned Texas woman, Karla Faye Tucker, before ordering her state murder. "This is a disgusting tyrant who deserves justice, the ultimate justice. But that will be decided not by the president of the United States but by the citizens of Iraq in one form or another," said Bush, who defensively added, "You don't want a kangaroo court." But that is precisely what Washington is preparing. The "citizens of Iraq" will decide nothing. They are subjects of a US military occupation, without an elected government and without even the prospect of a vote for years to come. The US will create the instrument that will render Hussein's verdict based on the time-honored American principle of "give him a fair trial and hang him." The Bush administration has no intention of allowing any court that is not under its unrestricted control to bring Hussein to trial. Having revoked a previous treaty committing US support for the International Criminal Court, it is determined not to legitimize any such body. It justifiably fears that Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Tommy Franks and others could some day be brought before such a tribunal on war crimes charges stemming from the war of aggression against Iraq and the deaths of tens of thousands of Iraqi citizens. While international courts have ruled out the death penalty as a barbaric punishment, with an Iraqi puppet court, the US can put Saddam Hussein speedily to death while claiming that it is merely doing the will of the Iraqi people. The other advantage of such a procedure is that dead men tell no tales. Hussein can be denied the one defense he would inevitably make before an international court: that the greatest crimes of which he stands accused-the Iran-Iraq war, the gassing of the Kurds and suppression of the Shiites-were carried out with either the direct support or tacit approval of US administrations in Washington. Whether Bush himself even grasps these political issues behind the US handling of Hussein is unclear. The image that came across in what was an exceedingly rare extended interview was that of a politically ignorant and vindictive individual. His interviewer was Diane Sawyer, a virtual state institution, whose "journalistic" credentials are rooted in her having served as a flack in the Nixon White House and then having followed the disgraced president to San Clemente to help him write his memoirs. But even the gentle probing of such a trusted ally seemed to be an ordeal for Bush. His peculiar facial expressions and nervous body language suggested an inner fear that each and every question would press against the outer limits of his scant knowledge, driving him to seek refuge in the few stock phrases that he has picked up from his speechwriters and political handlers. Thus, when Sawyer opened up a line of inquiry concerning the failure of the US military to turn up any trace of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, the pretext for launching the administration's predatory war, Bush became badly flustered. Sawyer asked about his administration's claims that the Iraqi regime was close to producing nuclear arms and had hundreds of tons of chemical and biological weapons. Bush responded, "Look, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein was a dangerous person, and there's no doubt we had a body of evidence proving that, and there is no doubt that the president must act, after 9/11, to make America a more secure country." When Sawyer tried to pursue the question, Bush replied childishly, "Well, you can keep asking the question and my answer's gonna be the same. Saddam was a danger and the world is better off cause we got rid of him." The former White House aide moved accommodatingly to a different subject. In one extraordinary exchange, Sawyer asked Bush about his statement that his sole source of news is briefings prepared by his staff. "I get my news from people who don't editorialize," he said. "They give me the actual news, and it makes it easier to digest on a daily basis, the facts." Asked by Sawyer whether he did this because he found it "harder to read constant criticism," Bush responded: "Why even put up with it when you can get the facts elsewhere? I'm a lucky man, I've got ... all kinds of people in my administration who are charged with different responsibilities, and they come in and say this is what's happening, this isn't what's happening." Nothing could more clearly demonstrate the US president's political backwardness and personal indifference to the world outside the White House. His disdain for reading newspapers reflects a lack of any ability or even interest in developing a political orientation based upon a study of competing interests and conflicting policies as they are reflected through the press. Making such analyses is a key task of any serious politician, but Bush is not such a figure. His subjectivism and limited intellectual capacity make him easy to manipulate. His subordinates and advisers feed him the "facts" that favor the policies they seek, and Bush, with his unconcern about political debate in the wider world, is not even in a position to grasp the aims of antagonistic forces within his own administration and staff. Given such an individual as the titular chief executive, it is not hard to understand the colossal blunders the administration has made in its war in Iraq, policies that continue to cost the lives of both Iraqi civilians and young American soldiers on a daily basis. Within US ruling circles, the fact that Bush is grossly unqualified for the position that he holds is well known. For the gang of corporate criminals that dominate his cabinet and serve as his principal political base, his lack of any knowledge or intelligence make him a malleable instrument for the pursuit of their profit interests.
By Bill Vann
18 December 2003
Media reports on the nationally televised interview with George W. Bush broadcast by ABC News Tuesday night focused on the American president's call for the execution of Saddam Hussein. "Zap rat Saddam, sez Prez," was the way the New York Daily News summed up the contents of Bush's remarks.
The general portrayal was one of a tough-talking leader moved by feelings of personal outrage to demand that the former Iraqi president pay the "ultimate penalty" for his crimes.
Those who actually sat through the interview and who know Bush's record, however, may not be so impressed. When he was governor of Texas, the "ultimate penalty" was altogether routine. He presided over 152 executions, more than any other governor in US history, and once allowed that he spent an average of just 15 minutes reviewing cases before giving the order to put human beings-including the mentally ill-to death.
After becoming president, he has resumed the use of the federal death penalty for the first time in the US since 1963, ordering the execution of a Persian Gulf War veteran on the very eve of launching the invasion of Iraq last March.
For Bush, imposing the death penalty is less a matter of moral outrage than vicarious thrill. His personal sadism and the "kick" he gets from exercising this ultimate power was revealed most noxiously in his public mimicking of the plea for clemency by a condemned Texas woman, Karla Faye Tucker, before ordering her state murder.
"This is a disgusting tyrant who deserves justice, the ultimate justice. But that will be decided not by the president of the United States but by the citizens of Iraq in one form or another," said Bush, who defensively added, "You don't want a kangaroo court."
But that is precisely what Washington is preparing. The "citizens of Iraq" will decide nothing. They are subjects of a US military occupation, without an elected government and without even the prospect of a vote for years to come. The US will create the instrument that will render Hussein's verdict based on the time-honored American principle of "give him a fair trial and hang him."
The Bush administration has no intention of allowing any court that is not under its unrestricted control to bring Hussein to trial. Having revoked a previous treaty committing US support for the International Criminal Court, it is determined not to legitimize any such body. It justifiably fears that Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld, Tommy Franks and others could some day be brought before such a tribunal on war crimes charges stemming from the war of aggression against Iraq and the deaths of tens of thousands of Iraqi citizens.
While international courts have ruled out the death penalty as a barbaric punishment, with an Iraqi puppet court, the US can put Saddam Hussein speedily to death while claiming that it is merely doing the will of the Iraqi people.
The other advantage of such a procedure is that dead men tell no tales. Hussein can be denied the one defense he would inevitably make before an international court: that the greatest crimes of which he stands accused-the Iran-Iraq war, the gassing of the Kurds and suppression of the Shiites-were carried out with either the direct support or tacit approval of US administrations in Washington.
Whether Bush himself even grasps these political issues behind the US handling of Hussein is unclear. The image that came across in what was an exceedingly rare extended interview was that of a politically ignorant and vindictive individual.
His interviewer was Diane Sawyer, a virtual state institution, whose "journalistic" credentials are rooted in her having served as a flack in the Nixon White House and then having followed the disgraced president to San Clemente to help him write his memoirs. But even the gentle probing of such a trusted ally seemed to be an ordeal for Bush.
His peculiar facial expressions and nervous body language suggested an inner fear that each and every question would press against the outer limits of his scant knowledge, driving him to seek refuge in the few stock phrases that he has picked up from his speechwriters and political handlers.
Thus, when Sawyer opened up a line of inquiry concerning the failure of the US military to turn up any trace of weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, the pretext for launching the administration's predatory war, Bush became badly flustered.
Sawyer asked about his administration's claims that the Iraqi regime was close to producing nuclear arms and had hundreds of tons of chemical and biological weapons. Bush responded, "Look, there is no doubt that Saddam Hussein was a dangerous person, and there's no doubt we had a body of evidence proving that, and there is no doubt that the president must act, after 9/11, to make America a more secure country."
When Sawyer tried to pursue the question, Bush replied childishly, "Well, you can keep asking the question and my answer's gonna be the same. Saddam was a danger and the world is better off cause we got rid of him." The former White House aide moved accommodatingly to a different subject.
In one extraordinary exchange, Sawyer asked Bush about his statement that his sole source of news is briefings prepared by his staff. "I get my news from people who don't editorialize," he said. "They give me the actual news, and it makes it easier to digest on a daily basis, the facts."
Asked by Sawyer whether he did this because he found it "harder to read constant criticism," Bush responded: "Why even put up with it when you can get the facts elsewhere? I'm a lucky man, I've got ... all kinds of people in my administration who are charged with different responsibilities, and they come in and say this is what's happening, this isn't what's happening."
Nothing could more clearly demonstrate the US president's political backwardness and personal indifference to the world outside the White House. His disdain for reading newspapers reflects a lack of any ability or even interest in developing a political orientation based upon a study of competing interests and conflicting policies as they are reflected through the press.
Making such analyses is a key task of any serious politician, but Bush is not such a figure.
His subjectivism and limited intellectual capacity make him easy to manipulate. His subordinates and advisers feed him the "facts" that favor the policies they seek, and Bush, with his unconcern about political debate in the wider world, is not even in a position to grasp the aims of antagonistic forces within his own administration and staff.
Given such an individual as the titular chief executive, it is not hard to understand the colossal blunders the administration has made in its war in Iraq, policies that continue to cost the lives of both Iraqi civilians and young American soldiers on a daily basis.
Within US ruling circles, the fact that Bush is grossly unqualified for the position that he holds is well known. For the gang of corporate criminals that dominate his cabinet and serve as his principal political base, his lack of any knowledge or intelligence make him a malleable instrument for the pursuit of their profit interests.
Most thinking and compassionate members of the human race abhor George W. Bush--all that he stands for and all that he has done since his theft of the Presidency of the United States of America. He has made Americans the most hated people on the earth and for that some of us will never forgive him. D.G.H.
Most thinking and compassionate members of the human race abhor George W. Bush--all that he stands for and all that he has done since his theft of the Presidency of the United States of America.
He has made Americans the most hated people on the earth and for that some of us will never forgive him.
D.G.H.
VATICAN CITY, December 16 (IslamOnline.net & News Agencies) -- The president of the Vatican Justice and Peace Commission lambasted Tuesday, December 16, U.S. occupation authority in Iraq for showing humiliating pictures of ousted president Saddam Hussein.
"I personally felt sorry to see this broken man treated like a cow as they checked his teeth," said Cardinal Renato Martino as he presented Pope John Paul II's message for the World Day of Peace, reported Agence France-Presse (AFP).
"We should have been spared these images," he said, in reference to a video clip played by the U.S. army Sunday, December 14, showing a disheveled and bearded Saddam being poked and prodded during medical checks.
The American military announced Saddam was captured a day earlier during a military operation near his hometown of Tikrit a day earlier.
"In seeing this man in his such tragic circumstances, I felt pity and I hope that others felt it too," said the 71-year-old cardinal, who served for years as head of the Vatican's diplomatic mission to the U.N.
In clear criticism of the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq, Martino said it would be "illusory" to think Saddam's capture would "repair all the drama and damage caused by a conflict that remains a defeat for humanity."
During the Iraq invasion, U.S. senior officials, topped by President George Bush and Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld criticized the Iraqis and Arab news channels for showing U.S. war prisoners on TV, calling it a war crime and threatening to hold Iraqi officials accountable.
Martino also hoped Saddam's trial would "contribute to the pacification and democratization of Iraq," asserting it must be conducted in "an appropriate place."
The issue has sparked a controversy with some saying he should stand an Iraqi trial under Arab-International supervision to guarantee a fair trail.
Former U.S. Attorney General Ramsey Clarke expressed readiness Sunday, December 14, to act as defense lawyer for Saddam.
Law Of Force
In another development, Pope Paul criticized the U.S. unilateral invasion of Iraq without a mandate from the United Nations.
"International law must ensure that the law of the more powerful does not prevail," said the pontiff, appealing for the replacement of "the material force of arms with moral force of law."
In reference to the so-called war on terror, the pope said governments must avoid the "temptation to appeal to the law of force rather than to the force of law."
"Democratic governments know well that the use of force against terrorists cannot justify a renunciation of the principles of the rule of law," he said.
The pontiff also underlined that the "fight against terrorism cannot be limited solely to repressive and punitive operations."
The use of force had to be "accompanied by a courageous and lucid analysis of the reasons behind terrorist attacks," he said.
"The scourge of terrorism has become more virulent in recent years and has produced brutal massacres which have in turn put even greater obstacles in the way of dialogue and negotiation, increasing tensions and aggravating problems, especially in the Middle East," Pope Paul averred.
He underlined the necessity of "eliminating the underlying causes of situations of injustice which frequently drive people to more desperate and violent acts."
The Dow Jones Industrial Average closed above 10,000 for the first time in 18 months today, December 11. The jubilation, greed and avarice evident in the above trader's face upon that closing bell say a great deal about what is wrong in America and in the Middle East today.
This trader doesn't give a damn about displaced Palestinians that have lived for more than 50 years in filthy refugee camps because Zionists have appropriated their ancestral lands.
Nor does he care that Americans and Iraqis died today while he and his clients were making money on Wall Street.
His grandsons are in all likelihood going to law school, medical school, or dental school and don't have to die in Iraq or Afghanistan, as do Iraqis, Afghans, and the children of the working poor of America.
This greedy old New Yorker is unconcerned about the plight of others. He made money today and money is his god so he is happy.
There are too many such as he in too many positions of power and influence in the United States of America.
The Medicare fraud and the decay of American democracy By David Walsh WSWS 9 December 2003 George W. Bush signed the Medicare reform bill amid great fanfare at a ceremony December 8 in Washington D.C. According to the Los Angeles Times, "The ceremony was something of a holiday season party for the legislation's Republican supporters and leading figures in the health care industry." The passage of this bill and its signing into law represent a devastating exposure of the state of American "democracy" in 2003. The new bill, passed by Congress last month, marks a significant step toward privatizing and ultimately dismantling Medicare. It places prescription drug coverage for senior citizens entirely in the hands of private insurance companies and health care plans, forbids the government from negotiating drug prices, blocks the importation of cheaper drugs from Canada, and subsidizes private health plans and insurers to the tune of tens of billions of dollars. The long-term aim of Bush and the Republicans is to bankrupt Medicare, end all government regulation and control over the drug, insurance and health care industries, and create a two-tier health care system: a privately-owned and operated system for the wealthy elite and upper-middle-class, and a bargain-basement system for the rest of the population. Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich admitted in 1995 that the right wing's intention was to let Medicare "wither on the vine." The Bush administration, with the support of the AARP (formerly known as the American Association of Retired Persons) and the complicity of the Democratic Party, has begun the process of its destruction. The most striking feature about this far-reaching measure, which will negatively impact tens of millions of people for generations to come, is the absence of any serious public debate, discussion or input. The overwhelming majority of the American population has no idea of what is in the bill. Many members of Congress had only a vague notion of the bill's contents when they voted on it. USA Today noted December 8: "Health care experts and economists are scouring the bill's 680 pages, plus hundreds of pages of addendums, to try to understand the far-reaching changes and how new private-insurance options will work for seniors accustomed to Medicare's uniform benefit structure." In the words of Thomas Jefferson: "The best defense of democracy is an informed electorate." From this standpoint, the Medicare bill is an object lesson in the putrefaction of democracy in the US. The Bush administration and the media concealed the reality of the bill from the public. Only when its passage was a foregone conclusion did the media begin to consider its provisions and hint at its impact on poor and working-class elderly people. Not until Monday, when Bush signed the bill into law, did major media outlets report some of its most regressive provisions-including large financial penalties for retirees who fail to sign up immediately for the "voluntary" drug program, and a ban on so-called "Medigap" insurance policies that millions of seniors presently rely on to cover out-of-pocket drug costs. (Such costs will remain under the new bill, which for most retirees will only cover between 40 percent and 60 percent of prescription drug expenses). The Medicare bill, crafted by and for the drug, health care and insurance companies, was essentially enacted behind the backs of the American people who overwhelmingly support the Medicare program and oppose the privatization schemes at the heart of the new measure. The Democrats, the supposed party of opposition, collaborated in this charade. They were incapable of organizing any significant resistance or exposure of its provisions. A number of leading Senate Democrats came out openly in support of the measure. At the signing ceremony, Bush singled out the support of Democratic senators Max Baucus of Montana and John Breaux of Louisiana. (The latter has received $65,000 in campaign contributions from pharmaceutical firms since the 1996 election cycle.) In no country in Western Europe, and in precious few in other parts of the world, could such a far-ranging measure have been enacted with so little public discussion and debate. There would have been round-table discussions, television debates and public hearings. In the US, there was no such thing. The level of corruption, bribery and criminality involved in pushing through this windfall for big business was remarkable, even by American standards. Public Citizen, the non-profit group founded by Ralph Nader, pointed out in a June 2003 report that "the drug industry hired 675 different lobbyists from 138 firms in 2002--nearly seven lobbyists for each US senator, according to federal lobbying disclosure records. The industry spent a record $91.4 million on lobbying activities in 2002, an 11.6 percent increase from 2001." The report further noted: "Drug industry lobbying ranks include 26 former members of Congress. All told, 342 lobbyists (51 percent of those employed by the industry) have 'revolving door' connections between K Street [the location of corporate and legal lobbying firms] and the federal government. "The Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), which represents more than 100 brand-name prescription drug companies, shelled out $14.3 million last year, a 26 percent increase from 2001 and nearly double what the group spent in 2000. PhRMA hired 112 lobbyists in 2002, 30 more than the year before. ... "Since Public Citizen began tracking the drug industry's lobbying activities in 1997, the industry has spent nearly $478 million lobbying the federal government. In that same period, the top 25 pharmaceutical companies and trade groups gave $48.6 million to federal campaigns. Well over $100 million more went to paying for issue ads, hiring academics, funding nonprofits and other activities to promote the industry's agenda in Washington. All told, the drug industry has spent nearly $650 million on political influence since 1997." CBSNEWS.com reports: "Many of the group's [PhRMA's] members also spent millions on lobbying in the first half of this year, including Eli Lilly and Co. ($2.9 million), Bristol-Myers Squibb ($2.6 million), Johnson & Johnson ($2.2 million), Hoffmann-La Roche ($2 million) and Pfizer ($1.8 million). "Overall, the industry has already spent more than $29 million in lobbying this year, more than any other industry, according to Political Money Line, a nonpartisan Washington web site. The industry enjoyed about $150 billion in US sales last year." The pharmaceutical and health products industries have also made generous campaign contributions. The Center for Responsive Politics notes that between 1992 and 2002 these industries tripled their political contributions, from $8 million to $27 million per election cycle. The Republicans received 54 percent of this cash in 1992 and 76 percent in 2002. George W. Bush received the most money from the pharmaceuticals and health products industry, with more than $466,000 in 1999-2000. The industry donated $10.6 million in "soft money" to Republican candidates during the 2000 election cycle, twice the amount given to the Democrats. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, Republican of Tennessee and a doctor, has received $258,000 from pharmaceutical firms. The Bush administration has close ties to the pharmaceutical industry. Bush's father, the former president, was a director of Eli Lilly, as was Mitch Daniels, the former director of the Office of Management and Budget. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld headed Searle, now Pharmacia, from 1977 to 1985. During the 2000 election it was revealed that Gail Wilensky, Bush's senior health care adviser, held $10.5 million in shares and stock options in health care companies. Top officials from drug maker Merck and PhRMA sat on advisory committees shaping the administration's health care policies, including its virulent opposition to regulating prescription medicine prices. One of the more brazen examples of conflict of interest involves Thomas Scully, the federal official who runs Medicare and "was intimately involved" (New York Times, December 3) in drafting the legislation to overhaul the program. During the time he was engaged in this effort, Scully was also "the object of a bidding war among five firms hoping to hire him to advise clients affected by the measure." The Times goes on: "Mr. Scully has made no secret of the fact that he has been looking for jobs outside the government for more than six months-even as he spent hundreds of hours in closed sessions with House and Senate negotiators working out countless details of the legislation, which makes the biggest changes in Medicare since creation of the program in 1965." The five firms are Alston & Bird, a law firm that represents the National Association for Home Care and pharmaceutical giant Johnson & Johnson, among other clients; Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz, a law firm that represents the Disease Management Association of America, which made large gains from the new Medicare law, as well as the American Association for Homecare and the Federation of American Hospitals; Ropes & Gray, a Boston law firm that represents PhRMA, along with major drug makers including Abbott Laboratories, AstraZeneca, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eli Lilly, Novartis and Pfizer; Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe, a private equity investment firm which has invested in many health care firms; and Texas Pacifica Group, a private investment partnership that helped rescue Oxford Health Plans from financial difficulty while Scully was on Oxford's board. Scully, who served as a White House budget official in the first Bush administration, defended his actions and said he saw no reason to recuse himself from work on the Medicare legislation. The Bush administration and the Republican leadership in Congress allegedly resorted to bribery and, when that failed, threats to force recalcitrant Republican House members to support the Medicare "reform." Columnist Robert Novak in the November 27 Chicago Sun-Times reported on the experience of Michigan Republican Congressman Nick Smith, an opponent of the Medicare bill, during the last-minute maneuvers surrounding the close House vote on the measure. Smith, Novak wrote, "had never experienced anything like it." Novak continued: "House Speaker Dennis Hastert and Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson, in the wee hours last Saturday morning, pressed him to vote for the Medicare bill. But Smith refused. Then things got personal. "Smith, self term-limited, is leaving Congress. His lawyer son Brad is one of five Republicans seeking to replace him from a GOP district in Michigan's southern tier. On the House floor, Nick Smith was told business interests would give his son $100,000 in return for his father's vote. When he still declined, fellow Republican House members told him they would make sure Brad Smith never came to Congress. After Nick Smith voted no and the bill passed, Duke Cunningham of California and other Republicans taunted him that his son was dead meat." Smith acknowledged the truth of the story, writing in a column November 23, "Bribes and special deals were offered to convince members to vote yes." Subsequently, he retracted the claim about bribes being offered, suggesting only that Republican leaders threatened to oppose his son's candidacy. The entire repugnant episode surrounding the passage of the Medicare bill underscores the increasingly hollow character of American democracy. The rights, living standards and social conditions of the vast majority of the population are under ferocious attack by a ruling elite that shows no restraint. They cannot be defended within the framework of two right-wing parties that defend the interests of a financial oligarchy. The political lesson of this and similar experiences is the need to build a mass socialist party of the working class.
By David Walsh
9 December 2003
George W. Bush signed the Medicare reform bill amid great fanfare at a ceremony December 8 in Washington D.C.
According to the Los Angeles Times, "The ceremony was something of a holiday season party for the legislation's Republican supporters and leading figures in the health care industry."
The passage of this bill and its signing into law represent a devastating exposure of the state of American "democracy" in 2003.
The new bill, passed by Congress last month, marks a significant step toward privatizing and ultimately dismantling Medicare.
It places prescription drug coverage for senior citizens entirely in the hands of private insurance companies and health care plans, forbids the government from negotiating drug prices, blocks the importation of cheaper drugs from Canada, and subsidizes private health plans and insurers to the tune of tens of billions of dollars.
The long-term aim of Bush and the Republicans is to bankrupt Medicare, end all government regulation and control over the drug, insurance and health care industries, and create a two-tier health care system: a privately-owned and operated system for the wealthy elite and upper-middle-class, and a bargain-basement system for the rest of the population.
Former Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich admitted in 1995 that the right wing's intention was to let Medicare "wither on the vine." The Bush administration, with the support of the AARP (formerly known as the American Association of Retired Persons) and the complicity of the Democratic Party, has begun the process of its destruction.
The most striking feature about this far-reaching measure, which will negatively impact tens of millions of people for generations to come, is the absence of any serious public debate, discussion or input. The overwhelming majority of the American population has no idea of what is in the bill. Many members of Congress had only a vague notion of the bill's contents when they voted on it.
USA Today noted December 8: "Health care experts and economists are scouring the bill's 680 pages, plus hundreds of pages of addendums, to try to understand the far-reaching changes and how new private-insurance options will work for seniors accustomed to Medicare's uniform benefit structure."
In the words of Thomas Jefferson: "The best defense of democracy is an informed electorate." From this standpoint, the Medicare bill is an object lesson in the putrefaction of democracy in the US.
The Bush administration and the media concealed the reality of the bill from the public. Only when its passage was a foregone conclusion did the media begin to consider its provisions and hint at its impact on poor and working-class elderly people.
Not until Monday, when Bush signed the bill into law, did major media outlets report some of its most regressive provisions-including large financial penalties for retirees who fail to sign up immediately for the "voluntary" drug program, and a ban on so-called "Medigap" insurance policies that millions of seniors presently rely on to cover out-of-pocket drug costs. (Such costs will remain under the new bill, which for most retirees will only cover between 40 percent and 60 percent of prescription drug expenses).
The Medicare bill, crafted by and for the drug, health care and insurance companies, was essentially enacted behind the backs of the American people who overwhelmingly support the Medicare program and oppose the privatization schemes at the heart of the new measure.
The Democrats, the supposed party of opposition, collaborated in this charade. They were incapable of organizing any significant resistance or exposure of its provisions. A number of leading Senate Democrats came out openly in support of the measure. At the signing ceremony, Bush singled out the support of Democratic senators Max Baucus of Montana and John Breaux of Louisiana. (The latter has received $65,000 in campaign contributions from pharmaceutical firms since the 1996 election cycle.)
In no country in Western Europe, and in precious few in other parts of the world, could such a far-ranging measure have been enacted with so little public discussion and debate. There would have been round-table discussions, television debates and public hearings. In the US, there was no such thing.
The level of corruption, bribery and criminality involved in pushing through this windfall for big business was remarkable, even by American standards. Public Citizen, the non-profit group founded by Ralph Nader, pointed out in a June 2003 report that "the drug industry hired 675 different lobbyists from 138 firms in 2002--nearly seven lobbyists for each US senator, according to federal lobbying disclosure records. The industry spent a record $91.4 million on lobbying activities in 2002, an 11.6 percent increase from 2001."
The report further noted: "Drug industry lobbying ranks include 26 former members of Congress. All told, 342 lobbyists (51 percent of those employed by the industry) have 'revolving door' connections between K Street [the location of corporate and legal lobbying firms] and the federal government.
"The Pharmaceutical Research & Manufacturers of America (PhRMA), which represents more than 100 brand-name prescription drug companies, shelled out $14.3 million last year, a 26 percent increase from 2001 and nearly double what the group spent in 2000. PhRMA hired 112 lobbyists in 2002, 30 more than the year before. ...
"Since Public Citizen began tracking the drug industry's lobbying activities in 1997, the industry has spent nearly $478 million lobbying the federal government. In that same period, the top 25 pharmaceutical companies and trade groups gave $48.6 million to federal campaigns. Well over $100 million more went to paying for issue ads, hiring academics, funding nonprofits and other activities to promote the industry's agenda in Washington. All told, the drug industry has spent nearly $650 million on political influence since 1997."
CBSNEWS.com reports: "Many of the group's [PhRMA's] members also spent millions on lobbying in the first half of this year, including Eli Lilly and Co. ($2.9 million), Bristol-Myers Squibb ($2.6 million), Johnson & Johnson ($2.2 million), Hoffmann-La Roche ($2 million) and Pfizer ($1.8 million).
"Overall, the industry has already spent more than $29 million in lobbying this year, more than any other industry, according to Political Money Line, a nonpartisan Washington web site. The industry enjoyed about $150 billion in US sales last year."
The pharmaceutical and health products industries have also made generous campaign contributions. The Center for Responsive Politics notes that between 1992 and 2002 these industries tripled their political contributions, from $8 million to $27 million per election cycle. The Republicans received 54 percent of this cash in 1992 and 76 percent in 2002.
George W. Bush received the most money from the pharmaceuticals and health products industry, with more than $466,000 in 1999-2000. The industry donated $10.6 million in "soft money" to Republican candidates during the 2000 election cycle, twice the amount given to the Democrats. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, Republican of Tennessee and a doctor, has received $258,000 from pharmaceutical firms.
The Bush administration has close ties to the pharmaceutical industry. Bush's father, the former president, was a director of Eli Lilly, as was Mitch Daniels, the former director of the Office of Management and Budget. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld headed Searle, now Pharmacia, from 1977 to 1985. During the 2000 election it was revealed that Gail Wilensky, Bush's senior health care adviser, held $10.5 million in shares and stock options in health care companies.
Top officials from drug maker Merck and PhRMA sat on advisory committees shaping the administration's health care policies, including its virulent opposition to regulating prescription medicine prices.
One of the more brazen examples of conflict of interest involves Thomas Scully, the federal official who runs Medicare and "was intimately involved" (New York Times, December 3) in drafting the legislation to overhaul the program. During the time he was engaged in this effort, Scully was also "the object of a bidding war among five firms hoping to hire him to advise clients affected by the measure."
The Times goes on: "Mr. Scully has made no secret of the fact that he has been looking for jobs outside the government for more than six months-even as he spent hundreds of hours in closed sessions with House and Senate negotiators working out countless details of the legislation, which makes the biggest changes in Medicare since creation of the program in 1965."
The five firms are Alston & Bird, a law firm that represents the National Association for Home Care and pharmaceutical giant Johnson & Johnson, among other clients; Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz, a law firm that represents the Disease Management Association of America, which made large gains from the new Medicare law, as well as the American Association for Homecare and the Federation of American Hospitals; Ropes & Gray, a Boston law firm that represents PhRMA, along with major drug makers including Abbott Laboratories, AstraZeneca, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eli Lilly, Novartis and Pfizer; Welsh, Carson, Anderson & Stowe, a private equity investment firm which has invested in many health care firms; and Texas Pacifica Group, a private investment partnership that helped rescue Oxford Health Plans from financial difficulty while Scully was on Oxford's board.
Scully, who served as a White House budget official in the first Bush administration, defended his actions and said he saw no reason to recuse himself from work on the Medicare legislation.
The Bush administration and the Republican leadership in Congress allegedly resorted to bribery and, when that failed, threats to force recalcitrant Republican House members to support the Medicare "reform." Columnist Robert Novak in the November 27 Chicago Sun-Times reported on the experience of Michigan Republican Congressman Nick Smith, an opponent of the Medicare bill, during the last-minute maneuvers surrounding the close House vote on the measure. Smith, Novak wrote, "had never experienced anything like it." Novak continued: "House Speaker Dennis Hastert and Health and Human Services Secretary Tommy Thompson, in the wee hours last Saturday morning, pressed him to vote for the Medicare bill. But Smith refused. Then things got personal.
"Smith, self term-limited, is leaving Congress. His lawyer son Brad is one of five Republicans seeking to replace him from a GOP district in Michigan's southern tier. On the House floor, Nick Smith was told business interests would give his son $100,000 in return for his father's vote. When he still declined, fellow Republican House members told him they would make sure Brad Smith never came to Congress. After Nick Smith voted no and the bill passed, Duke Cunningham of California and other Republicans taunted him that his son was dead meat."
Smith acknowledged the truth of the story, writing in a column November 23, "Bribes and special deals were offered to convince members to vote yes." Subsequently, he retracted the claim about bribes being offered, suggesting only that Republican leaders threatened to oppose his son's candidacy.
The entire repugnant episode surrounding the passage of the Medicare bill underscores the increasingly hollow character of American democracy. The rights, living standards and social conditions of the vast majority of the population are under ferocious attack by a ruling elite that shows no restraint. They cannot be defended within the framework of two right-wing parties that defend the interests of a financial oligarchy. The political lesson of this and similar experiences is the need to build a mass socialist party of the working class.
Universal national health care only answer The United States of America should offer full cradle to grave health care coverage for all of its citizens. Period. Any nation with enough money to go halfway around the planet and spend more than $400 billion to kill tens of thousands of people in the Third World for no morally justifiable reason should at least take care of its own at home. Yes, we need "socialized medicine" and we need it now. Bush's steps toward privatization of Medicare are in keeping with his administration's entire domestic agenda and should come as no surprise. As with his tax cuts that were weighted to benefit his constituency of wealth and influence, this so-called Medicare reform bill will benefit a crust of excessively wealthy societal leeches to the detriment of the masses. Physicians, pharmaceutical companies and medical insurance conglomerates--those that would lose their privileged places under a governmentally administered national health care system--will become richer still under the Bush Medicare plan. And the poor will have to continue to skimp and save and scrounge each month to try to find a way to pay exorbitant medical and drug bills, lest they face collection agency action. Business as usual for the selfish greed hounds now in the saddle in Washington. It's a rotten system and one that will only get worse as long as Republicans occupy the White House and control both houses of Congress. We as a nation are in one hell of a mess, folks. D. Grant Haynes November 25, 2003
The United States of America should offer full cradle to grave health care coverage for all of its citizens. Period.
Any nation with enough money to go halfway around the planet and spend more than $400 billion to kill tens of thousands of people in the Third World for no morally justifiable reason should at least take care of its own at home.
Yes, we need "socialized medicine" and we need it now.
Bush's steps toward privatization of Medicare are in keeping with his administration's entire domestic agenda and should come as no surprise.
As with his tax cuts that were weighted to benefit his constituency of wealth and influence, this so-called Medicare reform bill will benefit a crust of excessively wealthy societal leeches to the detriment of the masses.
Physicians, pharmaceutical companies and medical insurance conglomerates--those that would lose their privileged places under a governmentally administered national health care system--will become richer still under the Bush Medicare plan.
And the poor will have to continue to skimp and save and scrounge each month to try to find a way to pay exorbitant medical and drug bills, lest they face collection agency action.
Business as usual for the selfish greed hounds now in the saddle in Washington.
It's a rotten system and one that will only get worse as long as Republicans occupy the White House and control both houses of Congress.
We as a nation are in one hell of a mess, folks.
November 25, 2003
Would all the adulterers in the Southern Command please rise Concerning the following Fox News story, Captain Yousef Yee was charged with the serious offense of spying at Guantanamo Bay, but since there is apparently nothing of substance in this with which he can be destroyed, hypocritical Bush administration operatives are reduced to a smear campaign involving allegations of adultery and pornography to besmirch the reputation of this American Army officer who dared to profess Islam. Shades of Monicagate. Low down, hypocritical Republicans never change their colors. They are the same assholes today that they were in 1997 when attempting to destroy Bill Clinton on sexually-related charges amounting to nothing that was anyone's business or had any bearing on national security or his performance as president. I would guess that the Uniform Military Code of Justice's adultery standard is the most selectively enforced statute in that cumbersome tome. It is common knowledge that military men experiencing long separations from their wives and families often commit "adultery". Camp followers have been around as long as there have been men and armies. What percentage of American military personnel committing adultery are being prosecuted? I'd like to see all of the hypocrites involved in the present persecution of this Muslim chaplain be forced to reveal every sordid detail of their own adulteries and porn excursions. Were this the case, there would be few accusers left to torment Captain Yee. I despise hypocrites and America is the most hypocrite-ridden society on earth today. D. Grant Haynes November 26, 2003
Concerning the following Fox News story, Captain Yousef Yee was charged with the serious offense of spying at Guantanamo Bay, but since there is apparently nothing of substance in this with which he can be destroyed, hypocritical Bush administration operatives are reduced to a smear campaign involving allegations of adultery and pornography to besmirch the reputation of this American Army officer who dared to profess Islam.
Shades of Monicagate.
Low down, hypocritical Republicans never change their colors. They are the same assholes today that they were in 1997 when attempting to destroy Bill Clinton on sexually-related charges amounting to nothing that was anyone's business or had any bearing on national security or his performance as president.
I would guess that the Uniform Military Code of Justice's adultery standard is the most selectively enforced statute in that cumbersome tome.
It is common knowledge that military men experiencing long separations from their wives and families often commit "adultery". Camp followers have been around as long as there have been men and armies.
What percentage of American military personnel committing adultery are being prosecuted?
I'd like to see all of the hypocrites involved in the present persecution of this Muslim chaplain be forced to reveal every sordid detail of their own adulteries and porn excursions.
Were this the case, there would be few accusers left to torment Captain Yee.
I despise hypocrites and America is the most hypocrite-ridden society on earth today.
November 26, 2003
(From Fox News) Yousef Yee charged with adultery Wednesday, November 26, 2003 SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico - The U.S. military on Tuesday charged a Muslim chaplain accused of taking classified material from the U.S. prison for terrorist suspects at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, with adultery and storing pornography on a government computer. The new charges include making a false statement, storing pornography on a government computer and having sexual relations outside marriage, which violates military law... The adultery allegedly occurred with an unspecified woman at Guantanamo and in Orlando, Fla., between July and September 2003, and the pornography was on his government-issued computer at the base in eastern Cuba, Duany told The Associated Press. The Uniform Code of Military Justice classifies adultery as a punishable offense, U.S. Southern Command said... .
(From Fox News)
Wednesday, November 26, 2003
SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico - The U.S. military on Tuesday charged a Muslim chaplain accused of taking classified material from the U.S. prison for terrorist suspects at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, with adultery and storing pornography on a government computer.
The new charges include making a false statement, storing pornography on a government computer and having sexual relations outside marriage, which violates military law...
The adultery allegedly occurred with an unspecified woman at Guantanamo and in Orlando, Fla., between July and September 2003, and the pornography was on his government-issued computer at the base in eastern Cuba, Duany told The Associated Press.
The Uniform Code of Military Justice classifies adultery as a punishable offense, U.S. Southern Command said... .
November 18, 2003
Have you noticed that American military operations in Iraq must always come with a sophomoric label possessed of the ring of a video arcade cyber war game?
One is forced to ponder where and how the slogans are derived and to what end.
Under the umbrella of "Operation Iraqi Freedom", which began March 19 with a cowardly "shock and awe" missile blitz of Baghdad that indiscriminately snuffed out thousands of innocent lives, the abortive invasion and occupation of Iraq now sees a new "operation" launched weekly--sometimes daily--as the Iraqi resistance movement gains momentum and sophistication.
We had "Operation Peninsular Strike", "Operation Desert Scorpion", and "Operation Desert Sidewinder" in June.
Scorpions and sidewinders are poisonous creatures indigenous to North America. I suppose the point to be made was obvious in those cases.
Deadly North Americans had come to Iraq to poison the soil, air and water with depleted uranium dust and to kill the natives with the most sophisticated arsenal of weapons of death on the planet.
In July came "Operation Ivy Serpent".
The serpent imagery isn't difficult. Serpents are associated with biblical evil in the minds of moronic, hypocritical fundamentalists, and we know that George and his legions of such crusaders are bent on eliminating "evil doers" everywhere.
Muslims worship "idols" according to none less than Bush's deputy undersecretary of defense for intelligence, Lieutenant General William "Jerry" Boykin, so they definitely deserve to be eliminated as "evil doers" in the minds of Bush and his minions.
Also, a few serpents like the North American desert sidewinder are poisonous and can inflict great harm and pain.
Take your pick on that one.
But from whence the ivy?
Bush boasts of being a "C minus student" at his Ivy League alma mater, Yale University. Perhaps that's where the ivy comes in.
Or maybe the administration seeks to conjure the imagery of poison ivy, another dangerous North American species that can make life miserable.
Any sloganeered label to momentarily foster the bravado--rev up psychologically--the tattooed working class American kids that have to kill and be killed in these operations will apparently do.
In any case, and whatever the reasoning of the toadies that sit around somewhere in the bowels of the Pentagon or CENTCOM playing with upcoming operation labels, there seems to have been a hiatus in the operations name game during the late summer and early fall.
Bremer and company were basking in the false assumption they had walked into Iraq without a further fight to set up a model capitalistic Western society that would put Bechtel and Halliburton into the empire racket early on.
But vast numbers of Iraqis had another idea.
Now that the Iraqi opposition to the aggressive Anglo-American occupation has bagged a few helicopters and otherwise achieved an average attrition rate of several GI's a day, we've had a resurgence of ominously labeled and highly hyped military operations.
And we're into the ivy thing again for reasons known only to the Pentagon and Franklin Graham's god probably.
During November "Task Force Iron Horse" has brought us "Operation Ivy Cyclone", "Operation Iron Hammer" and "Operation Ivy Cyclone II"--all in a matter of 10 days.
Cyclones are violent windstorms that destroy everything in their path and iron hammers can be utilized to beat the brains out of a man or a beast. The imagery makes sense. The occupier's intent is perfectly clear and they do it daily with 500 pound bombs.
But the ivy remains a mystery still.
Whatever the case and however the slogans are derived, the operations name game, like the war itself, is absurd and sick in its inception and prosecution.
No doubt more "operations" with more comic book simplistic labels will be trumpeted as the fortunes of the occupiers continue to decline and their methods of "democratization" in Iraq become ever more brutal and repressive.
Do these childish labels reflect the mentality of the American men and women being asked to daily risk their lives, as well as take innocent Iraqi lives, in this unwinnable war of occupation?
Unfortunately, probably so in many cases in the all-volunteer army with which America would feign to dominate the world.
But surely not with all American military personnel. There is an officer corps and there are educated individuals there. Don't they snicker? Or do they accept this manipulation of the enlisted cannon fodder over which they preside as standard operating procedure?
How long will military families, as well as the American public in general, be kept on the rah-rah bandwagon of false patriotism through meaningless labels that disguise a war of aggression against a small and defenseless Middle Eastern nation with the second largest oil reserve on earth--one that had done Americans no harm when this all began--one that had NO connection with 911?
How many aluminum coffins must come back to Dover Air Force Base in the darkness of the night before Americans waken to the reality of what BushCo. has done to their nation and to thousands of their loved ones (there are over 9,000 American casualties now), as well as to tens of thousands of Iraqis, for nothing more noble than hegemony and oil?
How long must this idiocy continue?
Call it "Operation Iraqi Freedom" and dress up each killing expedition with some absurd new label to capture the imagination of the young, the naive, the impressionable and the stupid. Do it until the cows come home and the Anglo-American war on Iraq will still be a filthy, brutal latter day episode of colonial aggression with no moral justification whatsoever.
Iraq was not involved in 911.
Iraq did not possess weapons of mass destruction.
Iraqis did not attack the United States of America.
George W. Bush was wrong in preemptively attacking Iraq against the will of the United Nations and most of the people of the world.
Bush's policies have bred terrorists--not eliminated them.
American soldiers should not be in Iraq in the first place and those there should be brought home as soon as possible, regardless of how much crow Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld have to consume.
(Editor's Note: November 30, 3003 --We have another one, folks. Task Force "All American" is on the loose in Iraq now. God, that's such a brilliant one! "You have to be a football hero..." and all of that bullshit, you know.)
(Editor's Note II: December 23, 2003 -- Since the last update here, Iraqis have been dying at the hands of American soldiers in operations "Santa Claws" and "Iron Justice", among others. Of one thing we may all be certain; there is no "justice" involved in anything being done in Iraq by Americans at this time.)
A fitting commentary on the debauched state of America and overindulged, materialistic Americans.
Did anyone ever see an obese Afghani in a dusty and windblown refugee camp?
Probably not many.
ave you noticed that those still doggedly making the most ostentatious shows of patriotism usually drive $50,000-$75,000 vehicles, live in upper middle class neighborhoods, and have sons and grandsons in colleges and graduate schools? On the other hand, the enlisted men dying in Iraq are predominantly children of the working class--often boys of ethnic in origin who joined the armed forces because they had no prospect of employment or money for higher education after high school. It's a rich man's war and a poor man's fight, as in most of capitalism's meddling adventures abroad. What is needed is a thoroughgoing egalitarian revolution that will see some equalization of the yawning chasm of growing inequities now characterizing Bush's America. D. Grant Haynes November 7, 2003
ave you noticed that those still doggedly making the most ostentatious shows of patriotism usually drive $50,000-$75,000 vehicles, live in upper middle class neighborhoods, and have sons and grandsons in colleges and graduate schools?
On the other hand, the enlisted men dying in Iraq are predominantly children of the working class--often boys of ethnic in origin who joined the armed forces because they had no prospect of employment or money for higher education after high school.
It's a rich man's war and a poor man's fight, as in most of capitalism's meddling adventures abroad.
What is needed is a thoroughgoing egalitarian revolution that will see some equalization of the yawning chasm of growing inequities now characterizing Bush's America.
November 7, 2003
No, the U.S. does not have the advantage in Iraq because the U.S. is morally bankrupt in its policy there. Right will prevail in Iraq in the end and the U.S. will withdraw from that beleaguered nation. This, because excessive firepower and killing machinery alone are not stronger than God, good, the final arbiter in the affairs of men and nations. No Supreme Being, whatever the nature of one's conceptualization thereof, will bless the dark, selfish, greedy, deceitful and brutal nation America has become under George W. Bush. Failure in Iraq is inevitable. _________________________________________________ "Imperialism is a negation of God. It does ungodly acts in the name of God." -- Gandhi
No, the U.S. does not have the advantage in Iraq because the U.S. is morally bankrupt in its policy there.
Right will prevail in Iraq in the end and the U.S. will withdraw from that beleaguered nation.
This, because excessive firepower and killing machinery alone are not stronger than God, good, the final arbiter in the affairs of men and nations.
No Supreme Being, whatever the nature of one's conceptualization thereof, will bless the dark, selfish, greedy, deceitful and brutal nation America has become under George W. Bush.
Failure in Iraq is inevitable.
_________________________________________________
"Imperialism is a negation of God. It does ungodly acts in the name of God." -- Gandhi
From Democracy Now! news briefs of November 5, 2003...
The Pentagon has quietly begun recruiting volunteers to serve on community draft boards in case a military draft is resumed.
There are approximately 2,000 draft boards across the country but the boards have been largely left dormant for the past 30 years since the end of the Vietnam War.
The Pentagon recently posted a message on the "Defend America" website seeking new volunteers.
__________________________________________________________
Should George W. Bush win a second term as president, and should Congress continue its spineless subservience to the Bush cabal, there is no doubt in this writer's mind that a military draft will be reinstituted early on in his second administration. After all, no sucker nations have been found to provide cannon fodder in Iraq and Afghanistan and, clearly, much more will be needed for decades, according to the architects of America's new war on "terrism". Perpetual war for perpetual peace, as one author has put it recently. Children learning even now to hate Arabs through a new generation of shocking Arab-baiting computer games available on the Internet will receive their calls to the service of international capitalism before their first kisses in some cases. And all too many will go obediently to their deaths in the deserts of the Middle East to enrich Halliburton, Bechtel and a hundred other slimeball multinational corporations already gearing up for the "reconstruction" of that which their aberrant champions in Washington are destroying for nothing more noble than oil and hegemony. D. Grant Haynes November 5, 2003
Should George W. Bush win a second term as president, and should Congress continue its spineless subservience to the Bush cabal, there is no doubt in this writer's mind that a military draft will be reinstituted early on in his second administration.
After all, no sucker nations have been found to provide cannon fodder in Iraq and Afghanistan and, clearly, much more will be needed for decades, according to the architects of America's new war on "terrism".
Perpetual war for perpetual peace, as one author has put it recently.
Children learning even now to hate Arabs through a new generation of shocking Arab-baiting computer games available on the Internet will receive their calls to the service of international capitalism before their first kisses in some cases.
And all too many will go obediently to their deaths in the deserts of the Middle East to enrich Halliburton, Bechtel and a hundred other slimeball multinational corporations already gearing up for the "reconstruction" of that which their aberrant champions in Washington are destroying for nothing more noble than oil and hegemony.
November 5, 2003
By Bob Keeler
Newsday
Monday 22 December 2003
It has been 30 years since the last time an American entered the armed forces through the not-so-tender mercies of the draft, on June 30, 1973. The next time could be just around the corner, if President George W. Bush is re-elected.
No, no, no, a thousand times no, say the White House, the Pentagon and Congress. They insist they have no plans for a draft. In any case, take this to the bank: It will not happen before Nov. 2, 2004. Still, the rumors refuse to die, and it was the Pentagon itself that started the buzz.
Last month, on its anti-terrorism Web site, the Pentagon posted a plea for volunteers to serve on the draft boards and appeals boards that will decide whether men (current draft law does not affect women) can get deferments or exemptions. The law created the boards as an insurance policy, in case of an emergency need for more troops.
The Selective Service System--the civilian agency that registers men when they turn 18 for a possible future draft--had nothing to do with this announcement. But it did get a lot of applications for draft board membership as a result. (Hint: Opponents of war are also eligible to sit on these boards.) When the appeal created a flurry of stories, the Pentagon quickly took it off the Web.
At the time, an organization vitally interested in the draft, the Center on Conscience and War, got a flood of anxious e-mails and calls. The center's executive director, J. E. McNeil, did not see the incident as evidence of movement toward the draft. But in recent weeks, she has heard of rumblings, from the Republican side of the aisle in Congress, about a draft after the election.
In a perfect world, the Pentagon would reject a draft. It likes its soldiers willing and malleable, not angry and cynical. But the current situation is far from perfect. Despite the capture of
Saddam Hussein, young Americans are likely to keep dying in Iraq. Reserve and National Guard troops have been deployed far longer than they expected. This may soon start to erode enlistment and re-enlistment rates. At the same time, Bush's reckless preventive-war strategy could commit further troops to battles in other countries.
If Bush's policy keeps demanding more and more troops, and the supply of volunteers dwindles, it only takes a simple act of Congress to start the draft. That would be a profoundly bad idea.
As one of 230,991 draftees in 1965, I have some interest in this. When Rep. Charles Rangel (D-Manhattan) proposed this year to create a fairer, more comprehensive draft, including women, it got me thinking about the issue again. If there were a draft, I felt, a lot of young people and their parents might have had second thoughts about cheering Bush's invasion of Iraq. Then I had a second thought of my own: Naaaah!
"There are usually two reasons for a draft," McNeil said. "One is people who believe that having a draft will keep us out of war. The reality is that the draft has never kept us out of war."
The second argument, which seems central to Rangel's thinking, is that a draft would make the military more equitable. It would pull in people from all strata of society, rather than just those who volunteer because they need a job or could not otherwise afford college.
Some even argue, against the evidence of history, that a draft would conscript the children of members of Congress. "During Vietnam, not one single member of Congress had a child who was drafted," McNeil said. "The reality is that the middle class and the upper middle class always have more options than the lower class in the face of the draft."
As the law now stands, once Congress activates the draft, it would be somewhat tighter and fairer than in the early Vietnam era, with fewer exemptions. Selective Service would leap into action, using a lottery to start by drafting 20-year-olds. But unless they make the draft age 55, to conscript war-loving lawmakers, "fair draft" is an oxymoron, like "smart bomb" or "friendly fire."
As divided as this country is now, a new draft would only exacerbate the division. And it would give this war-without-end presidency an endless source of warm bodies to pursue its cowboy foreign policy. Who knows what "October surprise" invasion Bush may have in store to boost his re-election chances in 2004?
Then the next step might be a "February surprise" draft in 2005.
Those wishing to know the truth about the "partial birth abortion" procedure Christian fundamentalists and right wing Republicans have been running off at their hypocritical mouths about for a decade or so are invited to visit the following WSWS link.
http://www.wsws.org/articles/2003/oct2003/abor-o24_prn.shtml
This writer was certain that much was being left unexplained (like why such a procedure is necessary in rare cases) in the lurid accounts circulated by opponents of so-called partial birth abortions.
The WSWS has taken courage in hand and provided the medical explanation.
Bravo to them in this service to truth and reportorial integrity.
October 31, 2003
The Pentagon's Pope The Guardian Monday 27 October 2003 The troubles besetting Donald Rumsfeld, who is still the US secretary of defence, continue to grow. The blundering Pentagon chief was in hot water again last week over a series of church and prayer breakfast speeches made by his deputy under-secretary for intelligence, Lieutenant-General William Boykin. Among other things, Gen Boykin, an evangelical Christian, said that the US "war on terror" was a "spiritual battle" between a Christian nation and Satan and that God picked George Bush to be president. Talking about a Muslim militant in Somalia who had claimed Allah's protection, Gen Boykin said he knew that would not work because "I knew my god was bigger than his. I knew that my god was a real god and his was an idol." In the ensuing furore, Mr Rumsfeld declined to repudiate Gen Boykin's remarks, let alone sack him. Mr Bush, tackled on the issue by irate Muslim clerics in Bali, was obliged to state that the US was not fighting a war against Islam and that Gen Boykin's views did not reflect his administration's policy. Embarrassing the president in front of foreigners is considered a cardinal sin in Washington. Mr Rumsfeld may yet repent it at leisure. Troubles rarely arrive singly. The Pentagon was sent to battle stations again after being accused of ignoring a pre-war state department study of Iraq. The study warned that US troops would not be seen as liberators, that serious security problems would ensue and that Iraq's reconstruction needs were being underestimated. Many of the study's predictions have turned out to be only too accurate, unlike the overly optimistic pre-war analysis peddled by Mr Rumsfeld. But he would brook no opposition then, as now. The experienced army chief, Gen Eric Shinseki, was ridiculed for claiming that too few troops were being sent to Iraq. Mr Rumsfeld sacked another dissident, army secretary Thomas White, who has since effectively accused him and his officials of misleading the nation about Iraq and failing to get a grip there. He has minimised the concerns of serving US soldiers and reservists. Little wonder a nervous White House has moved to curb Mr Rumsfeld's powers. A newly leaked Rumsfeld memo suggests the beleaguered defence secretary may be finally coming round to the notion of his own fallibility. He now admits Iraq will be a "long, hard slog" and wonders whether the "war on terror" is being lost. He now suspects, belatedly, that a long-term, non-military strategy is lacking. And he asks his top advisers to suggest what he should do. Given his record of blunders, the answer is obvious.
The Guardian
Monday 27 October 2003
The troubles besetting Donald Rumsfeld, who is still the US secretary of defence, continue to grow. The blundering Pentagon chief was in hot water again last week over a series of church and prayer breakfast speeches made by his deputy under-secretary for intelligence, Lieutenant-General William Boykin. Among other things, Gen Boykin, an evangelical Christian, said that the US "war on terror" was a "spiritual battle" between a Christian nation and Satan and that God picked George Bush to be president.
Talking about a Muslim militant in Somalia who had claimed Allah's protection, Gen Boykin said he knew that would not work because "I knew my god was bigger than his. I knew that my god was a real god and his was an idol." In the ensuing furore, Mr Rumsfeld declined to repudiate Gen Boykin's remarks, let alone sack him. Mr Bush, tackled on the issue by irate Muslim clerics in Bali, was obliged to state that the US was not fighting a war against Islam and that Gen Boykin's views did not reflect his administration's policy. Embarrassing the president in front of foreigners is considered a cardinal sin in Washington. Mr Rumsfeld may yet repent it at leisure.
Troubles rarely arrive singly. The Pentagon was sent to battle stations again after being accused of ignoring a pre-war state department study of Iraq. The study warned that US troops would not be seen as liberators, that serious security problems would ensue and that Iraq's reconstruction needs were being underestimated. Many of the study's predictions have turned out to be only too accurate, unlike the overly optimistic pre-war analysis peddled by Mr
Rumsfeld. But he would brook no opposition then, as now. The experienced army chief, Gen Eric Shinseki, was ridiculed for claiming that too few troops were being sent to Iraq. Mr Rumsfeld sacked another dissident, army secretary Thomas White, who has since effectively accused him and his officials of misleading the nation about Iraq and failing to get a grip there. He has minimised the concerns of serving US soldiers and reservists. Little wonder a nervous White House has moved to curb Mr Rumsfeld's powers.
A newly leaked Rumsfeld memo suggests the beleaguered defence secretary may be finally coming round to the notion of his own fallibility. He now admits Iraq will be a "long, hard slog" and wonders whether the "war on terror" is being lost. He now suspects, belatedly, that a long-term, non-military strategy is lacking. And he asks his top advisers to suggest what he should do.
Given his record of blunders, the answer is obvious.
White House bans news coverage of coffins returning from Iraq WSWS By Bill Vann 23 October 2003 The Washington Post reported Wednesday that the Bush administration has ordered the Pentagon to prevent any news coverage of the bodies of US troops being sent home from Iraq. The blackout on casualties is part of the attempt by the White House to recast the nightmare in Iraq as a "good news" story. "Since the end of the Vietnam War, presidents have worried that their military actions would lose support once the public glimpsed the remains of US soldiers arriving at air bases in flag-draped coffins," wrote the Post's White House reporter Dana Milbank. "To this problem, the Bush administration has found a simple solution: It has ended the public dissemination of such images by banning news coverage and photography of dead soldiers' homecomings on all military bases." In the post-Vietnam War era, the return of the remains of US military personnel killed overseas was generally treated as a solemn state occasion. The trauma over Vietnam and the deaths of more than 58,000 soldiers had forced a break with the policy that prevailed during that war, in which the phrase "sent home in a body bag" summed up the indifference exhibited by the US government toward the troops in the field. Thus, President Jimmy Carter attended memorial ceremonies held at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware, the site of the military's largest mortuary, when bodies were brought back from the failed hostage rescue attempt in Iran. Reagan pinned medals on the coffins of US Marines killed in El Salvador and attended memorials for the 241 Marines who died in the Beirut barracks bombing. George Bush the elder paid similar homage to soldiers killed in Panama and Lebanon, while elaborate ceremonies were staged to greet returning caskets at Dover, Andrews Air Force Base, Ramstein Air Force Base in Germany and elsewhere. The military command and the US government have never doubted the impact of these images. Army General Henry Shelton, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, commented in 1999 that any US foreign military intervention would have to pass the "Dover test," meaning the public's reaction to photographs and news footage of caskets coming off of military transport planes. The present administration has decided that it will simply not take this test. Instead, it chides the news media for focusing on the killing and maiming of US military personnel in attacks by resistance forces-presently averaging 25 a day-not to mention the killing and wounding of Iraqi civilians. Instead, it insists that the print and broadcast news trumpet supposed accomplishments, like the issuing of a new US-designed currency. For the most part, the big business media has complied, keeping its coverage of soldiers' deaths to a minimum and not dwelling on funerals or the suffering of the families left behind. While using aircraft carriers and massed ranks of soldiers and sailors as backdrops for his photo opportunities, Bush has treated the US soldiers in Iraq with contempt. There has never been an occupant of the White House so obviously indifferent to the deaths of American servicemen and women in combat as George W. Bush. With the Iraq death toll for US troops approaching 350, Bush has yet to attend a single funeral or memorial service. Having acted on its own propaganda claims that the Iraqi people would greet the US occupiers as "liberators," the administration failed to properly deploy or equip US forces for what has become an ever more hostile environment. At the same time, US servicemen and women have been subjected to abysmal living conditions, in large part because support services were contracted out to politically connected private firms that failed to deliver once it became clear that Iraq remained a war zone. The treatment of soldiers who have been wounded or injured in Iraq is scandalous. Those released from military hospitals, in many cases disabled for life, have found to their shock and anger that they were billed for their hospital meals. At Fort Stewart, Georgia, where Bush staged one of his post-invasion appearances, using returning troops as a prop, approximately 600 wounded and injured reservists are being denied prompt medical care and housed under disgraceful conditions in World War II-era cinderblock barracks that lack running water or air-conditioning. Wounded soldiers are forced to walk 30 yards-in many cases on crutches-to a bug-infested communal latrine. They are obliged to buy their own toilet paper. After several of the reservists revealed these conditions to the media, some 400 of the wounded men and women were lined up in formation Tuesday morning to be reprimanded by senior officers, the Atlanta Journal Constitution reported Wednesday. "They said we'd be doing more cleaning up, more work, and to keep our mouths shut," Sgt. Dennis Stewart, a Terre Haute, Indiana firefighter told the newspaper. Who are these soldiers for whom the president and his administration demonstrate such disregard? Overwhelmingly, they are drawn from the working class, in many cases joining the military because they needed a job or money for their education. Specialist Simeon Hunte, 23, of Orange, New Jersey was shot to death October 1 while on patrol in Al Khadra. He is survived by his wife, a one-and-a-half year old daughter and a newborn son he never saw. "Hunte attended Montclair State University but did not graduate. He joined the Army to get the financial assistance to reach his goal," according to a press account of his death. Analaura Esparza-Gutierrez, 21, was born in Monterrey, Mexico, immigrated to the US as a child of seven and was preparing to apply for US citizenship. An Army private, she was killed October 1 when a military convoy in which she was riding was hit by an explosive device and rocket-propelled grenades. She had attended Houston Community College in Texas, but joined the Army so that her parents would not have to sacrifice to pay her tuition. "She was always more worried about us than she was about herself," her father said. Sgt. David Travis Friedrich, 26, of Naugatuck, Connecticut was killed in a mortar attack on a US base near Baghdad September 20. His mother said he had enlisted in the reserves to help pay for his graduate courses at the University of New Haven. He also held a full-time job in a factory before he was called up for active duty. Ryan Carlock, 25, of Colchester, Illinois, was killed in combat north of Baghdad on September 9. He joined the Army three years ago to earn a living to support his wife and two children and to get job training. "He was trying to figure out his next move, stay in or go to college," his stepfather said. A common thread runs through the biographies of the great majority of those who have lost their lives in the war and occupation in Iraq, one of struggle and sacrifice in the face of a shrinking job market and spiraling college tuition fees. The gulf between them and the US president is so vast as to defy comparison. Bush's admission and graduation from Yale University, like his avoidance of military service and the succession of well-paid sinecures that preceded his installation as president, were guaranteed by his family's wealth and fame. For Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld, as for Halliburton, Bechtel, ChevronTexaco and ConocoPhillips, the lives of these young people are eminently expendable, a small down payment in blood on what they hope will be a windfall in profits resulting from the seizure of Iraq's oil reserves and the looting of the US treasury by means of vastly inflated "reconstruction" contracts. For American working people, the deaths of these young men and women is a terrible tragedy and waste. These soldiers, like the American people as a whole, were dragged into an illegal war based on lies about nonexistent weapons of mass destruction and Baghdad-terrorist connections that were invented to cover up the Bush administration's predatory objectives. They have been kept in Iraq nearly seven months after the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime under conditions of rising popular hostility to what is plainly an exercise in US colonialism. The Bush administration is notoriously given to the belief that image is all that matters and that it can carry out any criminal policy so long as it can drape it in the flag and count on a pliant media to conceal the truth. While it may be able to stop the cameras from filming the caskets unloaded at Dover air base, the bodies are still coming home from Iraq for burial in towns and cities from New York to California. As it becomes clear to ever broader sections of the population that these deaths were unnecessary and the result of what can only be described as a criminal enterprise, the demand will inevitably grow for the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq and a settling of accounts with those responsible for the needless killing of both Iraqis and Americans.
23 October 2003
The Washington Post reported Wednesday that the Bush administration has ordered the Pentagon to prevent any news coverage of the bodies of US troops being sent home from Iraq. The blackout on casualties is part of the attempt by the White House to recast the nightmare in Iraq as a "good news" story.
"Since the end of the Vietnam War, presidents have worried that their military actions would lose support once the public glimpsed the remains of US soldiers arriving at air bases in flag-draped coffins," wrote the Post's White House reporter Dana Milbank. "To this problem, the Bush administration has found a simple solution: It has ended the public dissemination of such images by banning news coverage and photography of dead soldiers' homecomings on all military bases."
In the post-Vietnam War era, the return of the remains of US military personnel killed overseas was generally treated as a solemn state occasion. The trauma over Vietnam and the deaths of more than 58,000 soldiers had forced a break with the policy that prevailed during that war, in which the phrase "sent home in a body bag" summed up the indifference exhibited by the US government toward the troops in the field.
Thus, President Jimmy Carter attended memorial ceremonies held at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware, the site of the military's largest mortuary, when bodies were brought back from the failed hostage rescue attempt in Iran. Reagan pinned medals on the coffins of US Marines killed in El Salvador and attended memorials for the 241 Marines who died in the Beirut barracks bombing. George Bush the elder paid similar homage to soldiers killed in Panama and Lebanon, while elaborate ceremonies were staged to greet returning caskets at Dover, Andrews Air Force Base, Ramstein Air Force Base in Germany and elsewhere.
The military command and the US government have never doubted the impact of these images. Army General Henry Shelton, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, commented in 1999 that any US foreign military intervention would have to pass the "Dover test," meaning the public's reaction to photographs and news footage of caskets coming off of military transport planes.
The present administration has decided that it will simply not take this test. Instead, it chides the news media for focusing on the killing and maiming of US military personnel in attacks by resistance forces-presently averaging 25 a day-not to mention the killing and wounding of Iraqi civilians. Instead, it insists that the print and broadcast news trumpet supposed accomplishments, like the issuing of a new US-designed currency.
For the most part, the big business media has complied, keeping its coverage of soldiers' deaths to a minimum and not dwelling on funerals or the suffering of the families left behind.
While using aircraft carriers and massed ranks of soldiers and sailors as backdrops for his photo opportunities, Bush has treated the US soldiers in Iraq with contempt. There has never been an occupant of the White House so obviously indifferent to the deaths of American servicemen and women in combat as George W. Bush. With the Iraq death toll for US troops approaching 350, Bush has yet to attend a single funeral or memorial service.
Having acted on its own propaganda claims that the Iraqi people would greet the US occupiers as "liberators," the administration failed to properly deploy or equip US forces for what has become an ever more hostile environment. At the same time, US servicemen and women have been subjected to abysmal living conditions, in large part because support services were contracted out to politically connected private firms that failed to deliver once it became clear that Iraq remained a war zone.
The treatment of soldiers who have been wounded or injured in Iraq is scandalous. Those released from military hospitals, in many cases disabled for life, have found to their shock and anger that they were billed for their hospital meals.
At Fort Stewart, Georgia, where Bush staged one of his post-invasion appearances, using returning troops as a prop, approximately 600 wounded and injured reservists are being denied prompt medical care and housed under disgraceful conditions in World War II-era cinderblock barracks that lack running water or air-conditioning. Wounded soldiers are forced to walk 30 yards-in many cases on crutches-to a bug-infested communal latrine. They are obliged to buy their own toilet paper.
After several of the reservists revealed these conditions to the media, some 400 of the wounded men and women were lined up in formation Tuesday morning to be reprimanded by senior officers, the Atlanta Journal Constitution reported Wednesday. "They said we'd be doing more cleaning up, more work, and to keep our mouths shut," Sgt. Dennis Stewart, a Terre Haute, Indiana firefighter told the newspaper.
Who are these soldiers for whom the president and his administration demonstrate such disregard? Overwhelmingly, they are drawn from the working class, in many cases joining the military because they needed a job or money for their education.
Specialist Simeon Hunte, 23, of Orange, New Jersey was shot to death October 1 while on patrol in Al Khadra. He is survived by his wife, a one-and-a-half year old daughter and a newborn son he never saw. "Hunte attended Montclair State University but did not graduate. He joined the Army to get the financial assistance to reach his goal," according to a press account of his death.
Analaura Esparza-Gutierrez, 21, was born in Monterrey, Mexico, immigrated to the US as a child of seven and was preparing to apply for US citizenship. An Army private, she was killed October 1 when a military convoy in which she was riding was hit by an explosive device and rocket-propelled grenades. She had attended Houston Community College in Texas, but joined the Army so that her parents would not have to sacrifice to pay her tuition. "She was always more worried about us than she was about herself," her father said.
Sgt. David Travis Friedrich, 26, of Naugatuck, Connecticut was killed in a mortar attack on a US base near Baghdad September 20. His mother said he had enlisted in the reserves to help pay for his graduate courses at the University of New Haven. He also held a full-time job in a factory before he was called up for active duty.
Ryan Carlock, 25, of Colchester, Illinois, was killed in combat north of Baghdad on September 9. He joined the Army three years ago to earn a living to support his wife and two children and to get job training. "He was trying to figure out his next move, stay in or go to college," his stepfather said.
A common thread runs through the biographies of the great majority of those who have lost their lives in the war and occupation in Iraq, one of struggle and sacrifice in the face of a shrinking job market and spiraling college tuition fees. The gulf between them and the US president is so vast as to defy comparison. Bush's admission and graduation from Yale University, like his avoidance of military service and the succession of well-paid sinecures that preceded his installation as president, were guaranteed by his family's wealth and fame.
For Bush, Cheney and Rumsfeld, as for Halliburton, Bechtel, ChevronTexaco and ConocoPhillips, the lives of these young people are eminently expendable, a small down payment in blood on what they hope will be a windfall in profits resulting from the seizure of Iraq's oil reserves and the looting of the US treasury by means of vastly inflated "reconstruction" contracts.
For American working people, the deaths of these young men and women is a terrible tragedy and waste. These soldiers, like the American people as a whole, were dragged into an illegal war based on lies about nonexistent weapons of mass destruction and Baghdad-terrorist connections that were invented to cover up the Bush administration's predatory objectives. They have been kept in Iraq nearly seven months after the fall of the Saddam Hussein regime under conditions of rising popular hostility to what is plainly an exercise in US colonialism.
The Bush administration is notoriously given to the belief that image is all that matters and that it can carry out any criminal policy so long as it can drape it in the flag and count on a pliant media to conceal the truth. While it may be able to stop the cameras from filming the caskets unloaded at Dover air base, the bodies are still coming home from Iraq for burial in towns and cities from New York to California.
As it becomes clear to ever broader sections of the population that these deaths were unnecessary and the result of what can only be described as a criminal enterprise, the demand will inevitably grow for the withdrawal of US troops from Iraq and a settling of accounts with those responsible for the needless killing of both Iraqis and Americans.
See the following link for a fascinating series of articles on the origins of "Christian Zionism", the mad eschatologically-shored theology that sees conservative Christians in the United States supporting the cruel excesses of Israeli Zionists in the Middle East. Popular fiction writers Tim Lahaye and Jerry Jenkins are two vocal and influential proponents of this idiocy.
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article4959.htm
Americans who supported the unwarranted "Shock and Awe" bombardment and occupation of Iraq, as well as those who participated in it, will not find absolution or peace in their present lifetimes. Ali and tens of thousands of other maimed and dead Iraqis will haunt them for remainder of their pampered yet miserable lives of American luxury.
_______________________________________________________________
October 13, 2003
Iraqi orphan Ali Abbas says he hoped the US pilot who bombed his family would be made to suffer as he had.
The 13-year-old has been fitted with artificial arms in a London hospital after being severely burned in a missile attack on Baghdad early in the conflict.
Ali said he still had vivid memories of the night of the strike that killed his parents and 13 other relatives. He said: "I keep asking myself: 'Why are they bombing Iraqi people? What have we done to them?. I hoped that the pilot who hit our house would be burned as I am burned and my family were burned."
The youngster said he had mixed feelings about the British following his ordeal.
"When I was in the hospital they sent me letters, but they still helped the Americans," he told ITV1's Ali Abbas - Child of Hope, A Tonight Special to be screened this evening.
He recalled huddling with his family during the bombing, and later being stopped by the police as he was taken to hospital.
"They asked questions like: 'Where are you going? Where are you heading? Who is this?' Then I looked at my arms and I saw them gone. They said: 'It is a hopeless case, it's hopeless'."
Images of Ali lying in a filthy cot in a Baghdad hospital, close to death, shocked the world. The teenager, who is now looked after by his uncle, was airlifted to a hospital in Kuwait for treatment.
He was later brought to Britain where he has been fitted with two artificial arms at Queen Mary's Hospital in Roehampton, south-west London, a world-renowned centre for working with amputees.
He now has a cosmetic prosthetic on his left side and a state-of-the-art artificial limb on the right with an electrode touching the muscle on his stump to open and close his hand. Ali had a Manchester United tattoo specially put on the new right arm.
He now faces months of occupational therapy and, while he is growing, the limbs will need to be replaced at intervals. He plans to return to his country at some point, where he hopes to go to school and enjoy some "proper Iraqi cooking".
Listen to Arundhati Roy and Noam Chomsky each discuss the Bush administration's so-called war on terrorism at the following Pacifica Radio Democracy Now! audio links... Roy -- May 13, 2003 Chomsky -- June 2, 2003
Listen to Arundhati Roy and Noam Chomsky each discuss the Bush administration's so-called war on terrorism at the following Pacifica Radio Democracy Now! audio links...
Roy -- May 13, 2003
Chomsky -- June 2, 2003
All Americans should be forced to open the following link and look at the file, notwithstanding that doing so may ruin a football weekend, a mindless and escapist movie, or some other bit of inane frivolity. HELLO. It is time to WAKEN, Americans. http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article3450.htm
All Americans should be forced to open the following link and look at the file, notwithstanding that doing so may ruin a football weekend, a mindless and escapist movie, or some other bit of inane frivolity.
HELLO. It is time to WAKEN, Americans.
Tough talk from a guy who used family influence to avoid Vietnam; one who plays golf in Crawford, Texas, while the children of poor Americans die in Iraq...
__________________________________________
By Edward Herman
August 15, 2003: (ZNet) The view that U.S. targets have no right to defend themselves from a U.S. threat or actual attack goes back a long way. During the first three decades of the twentieth century, when the United States was regularly intervening in its backyard to discipline the unruly natives, those who objected and fought against the Marines were always designated "bandits," even when the resistance "was organized, using flags and uniforms" (M. M. Knight, The Americans in Santo Domingo).
The Vietnamese, in the 1950s and 1960s, resisting a U.S.-imposed puppet ruler and then a direct U.S. invasion, were always terrorists or aggressors in their own country in the U.S. official (and hence media) view, and as Leslie Gelb explained in defending the classification of Vietnam as an "outlaw," they "harmed Americans" who had come to subdue them (NYT, April 15, 1993).
Gelb, then Foreign Editor of the New York Times (and former State Department and Pentagon official), had internalized the imperial premise of a U.S. right to attack and dominate anywhere and for any reason, and the corollary idea that resistance to such actions is criminal.
One of the grotesqueries in U.S. imperialist history has been the regular U.S. practice of threatening some tiny backyard target, preventing its access to weapons from the United States or U.S. allies, and then pointing to the target's acquisition of arms from the Soviet bloc as proof of (1) their aggressive intentions and (2) their links to the larger menace of Soviet aggression.
This was a notable feature of the U.S. direct and proxy attacks on Guatemala in the early 1950s, Cuba from 1959 onward, and Nicaragua in the 1980s. In the case of Nicaragua, U.S. official claims of Soviet MIG fighters on their way to Nicaragua in November 1984--eventually acknowledged to have been straightforward Reagan administration disinformation--caused panic in the media and among leading Democrats, just as a shipment of small arms from Czechoslovakia to Guatemala had done in 1954. These countries had no right to try to defend themselves against ongoing U.S. efforts to overthrow their governments by violence.
The premise of the right to attack at imperial discretion implies that international law does not apply to the imperial center, but only to others, and of course the United States has taken this for granted for many decades. For the New York Times, "Providence decreed" that we should take over Puerto Rico (1898); for Teddy Roosevelt, U.S. adherence to the Monroe Doctrine "may force the United States, however reluctantly, to the exercise of an international police power" (1904); and for William Howard Taft, the entire hemisphere "will be ours...by virtue of our superiority of race" (1912). Modesty has never been a characteristic of U.S. leaders.
The assumption of a right to use force anywhere and unilaterally was prominent in the 2003 invasion of Iraq, but even before the Bush-2 era actions involving Iraq, U.S. officials never allowed international law to interfere with policy.
For example, in the Reagan years the International Court finding that the United States had engaged in "unlawful acts" and owed Nicaragua reparations was simply ignored, and the administration vetoed a Security Council resolution calling upon all countries to abide by international law! During Bush-1's tenure the United States not only vetoed a Security Council condemnation of the U.S. invasion of Panama, it maneuvered the UN into sanctioning a war against Iraq by fending off all negotiating efforts, and conducted that war in violation of numerous international prohibitions (e.g., cluster bombs, fuel air explosives, depleted uranium, burying large numbers of Iraqi soldiers in bulldozed sand, and deliberately destroying Iraq's water supply facilities).
Clinton carried on this great tradition, in the case of Iraq aggressively implementing the sanctions policy of deliberate deprivation of medicines and means of repairing the water system destroyed in 1991, with enormous civilian casualties, in clear violation of international law as regards the treatment of civilian populations. The "no-fly zones" in Iraq were not authorized by any UN resolution and the destruction and scores of civilian deaths resulting from U.S.-British air attacks on Iraq during the dozen years before the 2003 invasion were therefore criminal acts.
As with the Vietnamese daring to shoot at U.S. soldiers invading their country, so Iraqi missiles aimed at U.S. and British aircraft prior to the March 18-19, 2003 invasion represent unjustified "attacks" that "demonstrate Iraq's contempt for UN resolutions" according to Donald Rumsfeld (BBC, "Iraq intensifies 'attacks,' says US," Sept. 30, 2002). Iraq, like all other U.S. targets, has never had any right of self-defense.
The United States also takes upon itself the right to name rogues, as it has long done terrorist organizations and terror states. Naturally, as super-rogue, it does not name itself, despite its unsurpassed rogue credentials (see Richard DuBoff's updated listing of 27 recent U.S. rogue acts, which do not even include attacks on other countries, in "Mirror Mirror on the Wall, Who is the Biggest Rogue of All," ZNet Commentary, Aug. 9, 2003; also the longer and more far-reaching accounts in William Blum, Rogue State and Noam Chomsky, Rogue States).
It also excludes its allies and clients, just as it denies them terror-state status, no matter how excellent their qualifications. It is easy to see why the super-rogue has decided that it will oppose, possibly by force, any other country developing the capacity to challenge its military hegemony: this permits the super-rogue to behave like a rogue itself while self-righteously naming (and attacking) targets (i.e., alleged "rogues") of choice.
Super-rogue behavior has been dramatically evident in the Iraq sanctions, invasion and occupation. Super-rogue was able to impose punitive sanctions on Iraq that involved treating 23 million civilians as hostages to the demand for regime change for twelve years, in the process killing over a million of those civilians.
This was done with the cooperation of Kofi Annan and the UN, and with no outcry or protest from the "international community," media or "cruise missile left." Super-rogue was then able to invade and occupy Iraq in blatant violation of the UN Charter, after having made fools of the inspectors and UN, and he did this without the slightest penalty from the same "international community" that had punished Vietnam severely for invading Cambodia and overthrowing Pol Pot, an invasion that took place only after repeated attacks on Vietnam by Pol Pot's forces. Iraq of course had not attacked the United States or Britain and had no capability of doing so. In short, UN sanctions have nothing to do with principles; they only follow demands and/or approval of the principal (super-rogue).
It is now generally acknowledged, even by some U.S. officials, that the attack on Iraq was based on serial lies concerning Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and the threat that they posed to U.S. and British national security. It is also evident that the U.S. attack on Iraq once again involved the use of anti-civilian weapons (cluster bombs, depleted uranium), deliberate attacks on many sites where civilians were likely to be killed, and over 5,000 civilian deaths.
It is also evident that the U.S. government has violated the obligation of an occupying army to provide security and assure basic services to the civilian population of the occupied territory; that it came in prepared only to protect the oil ministry and oil resources; and that it has given highest priority to hunting for Saddam Hussein rather than assuring even minimal services to the victimized population.
But despite the illegality-plus-lie basis of the conquest, and the gross mishandling and illegalities of the occupation, and the obvious intent to rule Iraq directly or via proxies, the international community has not called for punishing the killers of over 5,000 civilians (plus innumerable other crimes) and forcing the aggressors-murderers out. Three thousand dead U.S. citizens on 9/11 was unbearable in the United States and aroused the deepest sympathy and understanding on the part of the "international community," for whom it justified a vengeance assault on Afghanistan and declaration of a global "war on terror."
But 5,000+ Iraqi civilians killed on the basis of lies is quite bearable, and the New Hitler will not even be deprived of the fruits of his conquest, let alone be subjected to sanctions. He is merely urged to farm out some of the management responsibilities to the UN and to move more rapidly to that democratic state that he belatedly claimed to be his objective in regime change in Iraq. But there are no threats or penalties for misbehavior, which is why super-rogue finds it so satisfying to be super-rogue and promises to use force to assure preservation of his super-rogue status.
And super-rogue can continue to set the agenda on "threats" for the UN and international community. The world's people may, despite control of the global media by friends of super-rogue, believe that super-rogue himself, with his invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq, his continuing military buildup and drumbeat of threats to use force unilaterally, his open-ended "war on terror" being carried out in cooperation with junior-partner rogues like Sharon, constitutes far and away the world's greatest threat to peace, security, and even survival.
But super-rogue says that North Korea's and Iran's quest for nuclear weapons is a very very serious problem that amounts to "crises," and news reports tell of well-developed U.S. plans to attack these rogues and put a stop to their nefarious behavior. The Western media and even the liberals swallow this, agreeing that these are crises and major threats, with the debate over whether we can solve this problem by negotiations (the liberals) or must go in and "take out" the threatening weapons and/or regimes.
One pathetic liberal gambit has been to criticize the Bush cabal's focus on Iraq, which doesn't have a bomb, while neglecting the fearsome threat that North Korea in the meantime might be acquiring a nuclear weapon.
This inflates the threat of North Korea's possible possession of a nuclear weapon, which it could not use without committing national suicide. It ignores the fact that North Korea and Iran are compelled to seek such weapons because the United States openly threatens to use such weapons against them.
It ignores the fact that Israel has been allowed--even helped--to acquire a nuclear weapons arsenal without penalty, and is permitted by super-rogue and the international community to do so, while countries threatened by Israel's weaponry cannot do the same without constituting a "threat." It ignores the fact that the super-rogue is the only country that has used nuclear weapons and now threatens their further use even more openly.
In short, the real threats today are not to be found in actions of North Korea or Iran, but rather in the U.S. rejection of the Non-Proliferation Treaty promise to refrain from the use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states; its threat to use these and its other weapons in "preemptive" (in reality, preventive) actions against targets of choice; its self-exemption from international law; and its double standard support for Israel's freedom to acquire nuclear weapons while such efforts by Israel's opponents are intolerable.
The response of the UN and international community to these real threats has been in the same pattern as their treatment of the U.S. plan to attack Iraq. That is, instead of opposing the U.S. threats and plans of aggression against its targets, the UN and international community accept the U.S. premises that its targets pose the threat. And just as they rushed to accommodate the super-rogue with intensified inspections to deal with that monstrous threat of Iraq's WMD, they now rush to persuade North Korea and Iran to be reasonable, accept international inspections, and give up any desire they might have to acquire nuclear arms.
Once again those threatened by the super-rogue are not granted the right to defend themselves, not only by super-rogue but by the UN and "international community." But this failure to contest super-rogue's actions and policies encourages him to continue on his deadly path, and it will hardly deter his prospective victims from seeking to protect themselves.
(From World Socialist Web Site)
25 July 2003
The world was subjected to a gruesome and barbaric spectacle on Thursday when the Bush administration released photographs of the mutilated corpses of Saddam Hussein's sons, Uday and Qusay, ambushed and killed by American forces on July 22.
The American cable news networks wasted no time in displaying blowups of the bloody heads and torsos of the dead men and beaming the images into homes across the US and around the world. US government spokesmen and media commentators could barely conceal their glee at the sight of the shattered bodies, and their satisfaction over inflicting the pictures on a global audience.
Nothing the World Socialist Web Site could say would be a more devastating indictment of the degenerates who wield power in the US and their media accomplices than their own self-exposure. The overwhelming majority of people around the world, and especially in the US, will feel only revulsion and shame at this exhibition of sadism.
Whatever one thinks of the deposed Iraqi ruler and his sons-who were undoubtedly guilty of reprehensible crimes-the actions of the Bush administration in slaughtering Uday and Qusay Hussein and then gloating over their dead bodies demonstrate that the US ruling elite has nothing to learn from its enemies when it comes to savagery and contempt for human life.
Bush administration notables such as Paul Bremer, the American proconsul in Iraq, and Donald Rumsfeld, the secretary of defense, justified the release of the photos as a supposed boon to the Iraqi people. The aim, they said, was to convince the Iraqis that Saddam's sons and right-hand men were well and truly dead. This, they claimed, would reassure the people that the Baathist regime was finished and would not return.
Not only that. It would, said Bremer, encourage ordinary Iraqis to come forward with information about the whereabouts of other Baathists (above all, although Bremer did not name him, the still-at-large Saddam Hussein) and demoralize those who are waging a guerrilla war against the American occupiers. Rumsfeld claimed at a joint press conference with Bremer that the showing of the photographs would save the lives of American troops.
Speaking in Philadelphia, Bush exulted, "Now, more than ever, the Iraqis can know that the former regime is gone and is not coming back." The previous day, Bush stood alongside Bremer, Rumsfeld and Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Richard Myers and boasted that the killing of Hussein's sons meant the US military was "on the offensive" in Iraq" against a "few remaining holdouts" of the Baathist regime.
To the extent that Bush and company truly believe such claims, they reveal the degree to which they are suffering from political dementia and self-delusion. The display of American arrogance and contempt for human sensibilities-let alone deeply felt cultural feelings about the desecration of the dead-will only fuel the hatred of the Arab masses for the invaders and their quislings within Iraq. Indeed, even as the photos were being broadcast, news reports were circulating about the death of three more American soldiers in Iraq.
Despite all of the "winning the hearts and minds" blather, it was impossible to conceal a more ruthless motive behind the release of the photos-namely, to intimidate and terrorize the Iraqi people and show in the most graphic manner possible who is "boss" in the new Iraq.
There are indications that the pressure to release the photos came primarily from the White House and the civilian leadership of the Pentagon, headed by Rumsfeld, not the military. On Wednesday, Lt. Gen. Ricardo Sanchez, the commanding Army officer in Iraq, told reporters the military was reluctant to release the grisly images. He was doubtless concerned about the ramifications of issuing the photos for the safety of American soldiers on the ground.
But that evening, Rumsfeld told reporters, "There will be pictures released," and on Thursday he claimed responsibility for the decision to release them. Significantly, the photographs were issued by Bremer, an appointee of the White House, not by the Army.
Militarism and criminality
The fact that those who wield power in Washington are blind to the mass revulsion that will arise in response to the showing of these photos highlights the insular and degenerate character of the American ruling elite. These traits are concentrated in the man who sits atop the government.
The political calculations of Bush and his associates, such as his chief adviser Karl Rove, are of the most crude and backward sort. It is no exaggeration to say they reflect a criminal mentality.
Bush's inner circle was intimately involved in the decision to massacre the Hussein sons and release the photos of their corpses. They believed that such a "success" would reverse the unfavorable political momentum of recent weeks, which have seen a mushrooming controversy over administration lies, mounting US casualties in Iraq, and a failing economy-the combined effect of which has been reflected in plummeting poll numbers for Bush.
The New York Times reflected the thinking in the White House in a July 24 article headlined, "Deaths of Hussein's Sons Allow Change of Subject." The author wrote: "With the deaths of Saddam Hussein's sons on Tuesday in Iraq, a bad political month for President Bush got palpably better." The author went on to write that "privately, advisers to the White House said the development marked an important turn of fortune..." He quoted a top Republican adviser as saying, "But the death of the Hussein brothers has a tactical political meaning because it changes the subject from the 16 words in the State of the Union."
Role of the media
It will come as no surprise to those-the vast majority-who retain a sense of humanity and have not lost their political bearings that the American media played a particularly despicable role in these events. On Thursday morning, Jerry Nachman, the editor-in-chief of MSNBC, the cable news network jointly controlled by NBC and Microsoft, indulged in commentary with overtly racist overtones while photos of the shattered corpses played across the TV screen.
Nachman justified the showing of the photos on the grounds that the US was obliged to tailor its tactics to the mentality of the Arab people, who, he declared, routinely witnessed public executions and had come to expect public beheadings. He was seconded by the pundit of the moment, Con Coughlin, author of a book entitled Saddam: King of Terror. Coughlin opined that the display of the photos would "win respect for the Americans" in the Arab world.
On CNN, moderator Wolf Blitzer opened up the telephone lines for comments from the public, and was taken aback when the first caller denounced the broadcast of the photos as a moral abomination, and reminded him that among those killed in the American assault on Tuesday was the 14-year-old son of Qusay Hussein, Mustapha. "Why don't you show his photo too?" she demanded.
It should be recalled that during the US invasion, the Bush administration publicly denounced the Arabic network Al-Jazeerah for displaying photos of American soldiers killed and taken captive by Iraqi forces, calling it a flagrant violation of international law. The White House demanded that US media outlets refuse to broadcast or publish the photos, and the major media meekly complied.
The contrast to the media's current role in emblazoning the photos of the dead Hussein brothers at the behest of the government only underscores its corruption and subservience to political reaction and the Bush White House.
(From the World Socialist Web Site) Friedman: We did it 'because we could' New York Times covers up for lies on Iraq war By Bill Vann 6 June 2003 In the face of a mounting international scandal over US and British falsehoods about weapons of mass destruction, advanced to justify the invasion and occupation of Iraq, Thomas Friedman, the New York Times's chief foreign affairs columnist, has leapt into the breach to assure the paper's readers that whether Bush and Blair lied about WMDs is beside the point. His June 4 column in the Times is a demonstration of the cynicism of the media-including its erstwhile "liberal" representatives-and its contempt for democratic principles. Friedman declares that the failure to discover Iraqi weapons of mass destruction is not "the real story we should be concerned with." The question of WMDs was, he says, "the wrong issue before the war, and it is the wrong issue now." The Times columnist argues that there is no point getting upset about the US president launching a war under false pretenses. This is a minor technicality. "Because there were actually four reasons for this war: the real reason, the right reason, the moral reason and the stated reason." Curiously, one often raised reason is absent from Friedman's list--namely, Iraq's oil wealth. This is a glaring omission, coming as it does in the wake of statements from top administration officials who planned the war acknowledging that Iraq's possession of the world's second-largest oil reserves was the decisive factor in the decision to go to war. Explaining why Washington invaded Iraq-where no weapons of mass destruction were found-while opting for a diplomatic approach to North Korea, which has openly touted its nuclear weapons program, US Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz told delegates to a security summit in Singapore last weekend: "The most important difference between North Korea and Iraq is that economically we just had no choice in Iraq. The country swims on a sea of oil." In an earlier interview with Vanity Fair, Wolfowitz tacitly acknowledged that the charge of Iraqi chemical and biological weapons was a pretext. "For reasons that have a lot to do with the US government bureaucracy, we settled on the one issue that everyone could agree on: weapons of mass destruction," the Pentagon's number-two man said. Friedman's omission is all the more curious-and damning-since he himself published a column in the New York Times last January 5 bearing the headline "A War for Oil?" in which he declared he had "no problem" with a war waged to gain control of Iraq's petroleum reserves. In his latest column, Friedman writes, "The real reason for this war, which was never stated, was that after 9/11 America needed to hit someone in the Arab-Muslim world. Afghanistan wasn't enough." Washington could have picked any Arab country, he argues. "Smashing Saudi Arabia or Syria would have been fine. But we hit Saddam for one simple reason: because we could..." Friedman is unabashed in his thuggery. His answer is worthy of any thief asked to explain why he mugged an elderly woman. Iraq was an irresistible target because the 1991 Persian Gulf War, followed by a decade of United Nations sanctions, continuous US-British bombing in the "no-fly zones," and the work of United Nations weapons inspectors had left the country virtually defenseless. And there was that small matter Friedman chooses to ignore: Iraqi oil. Friedman is a fan of brutality and force, a taste he acquired while covering the bloody exploits of Ariel Sharon and the fascist Falange during the Lebanese civil war two decades ago. If the toll in human lives exacted in Afghanistan was not enough to balance the scales for September 11, why not slaughter thousands, if not tens of thousands more in Iraq? The point, he suggests, is to terrorize the entire Arab and Islamic world, subjugating it to the requirements of Washington and Israel. Having dispensed with the "real reason," he moves on to the "right" and "moral" ones. The "right reason" for the war, he claims, is "the need to partner with Iraqis, post-Saddam, to build a progressive Arab regime." Such a regime, Friedman suggests, would represent an antidote to a supposed terrorist threat by serving as a "model" for "angry, humiliated young Arabs and Muslims, who are produced by failed or failing Arab states." "Partnering"--a term that generally describes two companies setting up a joint enterprise--is a strange word to use for what could better be described as plunder. One could as easily speak of Hitler's Germany "partnering" with the Poles to create Lebensraum in the east. The contours of Friedman's "progressive Arab regime" that is supposed to serve as a "model" for all of the Arab "failed states" have already begun to emerge. Its principal foundation is the sweeping privatization of Iraq's state sector, beginning with its oil fields. Accompanying these measures, the US viceroy in Baghdad, L. Paul Bremer, has already announced more than half a million layoffs of Iraqi state workers. Washington has made it clear that it will impose a "free market" economic model on Iraq-the same model that has produced a string of "failed states" from Latin America to Africa-regardless of what its people desire. This model will assure that the current mass unemployment and desperate poverty remain permanent. Politically, the regime will be a militarized puppet of the US. The notion that such a state will inspire hope among "angry, humiliated young Arabs" is a measure of the appalling ignorance that merges seamlessly with Friedman's arrogance and bloodlust. Finally, there is the "moral reason" for the war-the fact that the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein repressed its own people. Never mind that the CIA helped bring the Baathists to power and provided them with lists of socialists and nationalists who became their first victims. "Once the war was over and I saw the mass graves and the true extent of Saddam's genocidal evil, my view was that Mr. Bush did not need to find any WMDs to justify the war for me," says the Times columnist. The unearthing of human remains in Iraq was, according to Friedman, the irrefutable answer to anyone's questioning the morality of the war. That the bulk of these unearthed victims were Shiites, massacred with the tacit approval of the US government when they rebelled in the wake of the first Persian Gulf War, does not enter into Friedman's moral calculations. Moreover, the unearthing of similar remains in Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Chile and Argentina--all victims of dictatorships installed by the CIA and the Pentagon--apparently escaped his notice. Had he seen the skulls and skeletons at those sites would it have caused a comparable epiphany, convincing him of the immorality of US imperialist interventions? Friedman proudly declares that whether or not any WMDs are found or even existed is for him a matter of indifference. The "genocidal evil" that he perceived in the mass graves uncovered after the war was sufficient justification. "But I have to admit that I've always been fighting my own war in Iraq," he tells his readers. "Mr. Bush took the country into his war." Friedman was never fighting his "own war in Iraq," not even in his own head. His job involved not fighting, but lying. After luncheon consultations with the war's Pentagon plotters, he crafted lying bits of sophistry to justify an illegal act of aggression. His specialty was to cloak a filthy and predatory enterprise in "progressive" and "moral" trappings. The "Bush team," Friedman tells his readers, opted, "for PR reasons," not to disclose its "real reason" for war, not to mention its supposed "right" and "moral" motives. Friedman, it should be pointed out, acknowledged during the buildup to the Iraq war that there existed no popular support for attacking the Middle Eastern country. In a column published February 5, he commented that he was "struck by an incredible contrast...between the audacity of what they [the Bush administration] intend to do in Iraq-a audacity that, I must say, has an appeal for me-and the incredibly narrow base of support that exists in America today for this audacious project." An avowed advocate of war, Friedman found himself compelled to admit that in public appearances around the country, "there was not a single audience I spoke to where I felt there was a majority in favor of war in Iraq." Faced with the same dilemma, the administration bombarded the public with phony propaganda about "weapons of mass destruction." It sought to terrorize the American people into supporting a war. It claimed repeatedly that Saddam Hussein's regime had a huge stockpile of nerve gas, biological weapons and possibly even atomic bombs, and was preparing to hand them over to the same band of terrorists that leveled the World Trade Center. That this is no big deal for the leading foreign affairs columnist at the New York Times is itself a testimony to the degeneration of the media and the disappearance of any significant base of support for democratic rights within the ruling elite, including its supposedly liberal wing. One only has to recall the furor unleashed by the Times, the Washington Post and others over Richard Nixon's secret bombing of Cambodia, not to mention his lying over what his administration tried to dismiss as a "second-rate burglary" at the Watergate complex some three decades ago. Now, confronted with overwhelming evidence that a US administration launched an unprovoked war against a country that posed no threat to the American people based on lies and fabrications whose like has not been seen since the days of Adolf Hitler, the response is to invent "moral" alibis. Implicit in this attempted whitewash is the idea that the American people have no right to know why the government sends its soldiers to kill and die in another country, much less to exercise any influence on the decision to go to war. This is not a new idea. Herman Goering, the number-two man in Hitler's Third Reich, described the same concept quite well in an interview conducted in his Nuremberg jail cell: "Naturally, the common people don't want war, neither in Russia nor in England, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship...All you have to do is tell them that they are being attacked, and denounce the peacemakers for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."
(From the World Socialist Web Site)
6 June 2003
In the face of a mounting international scandal over US and British falsehoods about weapons of mass destruction, advanced to justify the invasion and occupation of Iraq, Thomas Friedman, the New York Times's chief foreign affairs columnist, has leapt into the breach to assure the paper's readers that whether Bush and Blair lied about WMDs is beside the point.
His June 4 column in the Times is a demonstration of the cynicism of the media-including its erstwhile "liberal" representatives-and its contempt for democratic principles.
Friedman declares that the failure to discover Iraqi weapons of mass destruction is not "the real story we should be concerned with." The question of WMDs was, he says, "the wrong issue before the war, and it is the wrong issue now."
The Times columnist argues that there is no point getting upset about the US president launching a war under false pretenses. This is a minor technicality. "Because there were actually four reasons for this war: the real reason, the right reason, the moral reason and the stated reason."
Curiously, one often raised reason is absent from Friedman's list--namely, Iraq's oil wealth. This is a glaring omission, coming as it does in the wake of statements from top administration officials who planned the war acknowledging that Iraq's possession of the world's second-largest oil reserves was the decisive factor in the decision to go to war.
Explaining why Washington invaded Iraq-where no weapons of mass destruction were found-while opting for a diplomatic approach to North Korea, which has openly touted its nuclear weapons program, US Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz told delegates to a security summit in Singapore last weekend: "The most important difference between North Korea and Iraq is that economically we just had no choice in Iraq. The country swims on a sea of oil."
In an earlier interview with Vanity Fair, Wolfowitz tacitly acknowledged that the charge of Iraqi chemical and biological weapons was a pretext. "For reasons that have a lot to do with the US government bureaucracy, we settled on the one issue that everyone could agree on: weapons of mass destruction," the Pentagon's number-two man said.
Friedman's omission is all the more curious-and damning-since he himself published a column in the New York Times last January 5 bearing the headline "A War for Oil?" in which he declared he had "no problem" with a war waged to gain control of Iraq's petroleum reserves.
In his latest column, Friedman writes, "The real reason for this war, which was never stated, was that after 9/11 America needed to hit someone in the Arab-Muslim world. Afghanistan wasn't enough." Washington could have picked any Arab country, he argues. "Smashing Saudi Arabia or Syria would have been fine. But we hit Saddam for one simple reason: because we could..."
Friedman is unabashed in his thuggery. His answer is worthy of any thief asked to explain why he mugged an elderly woman. Iraq was an irresistible target because the 1991 Persian Gulf War, followed by a decade of United Nations sanctions, continuous US-British bombing in the "no-fly zones," and the work of United Nations weapons inspectors had left the country virtually defenseless. And there was that small matter Friedman chooses to ignore: Iraqi oil.
Friedman is a fan of brutality and force, a taste he acquired while covering the bloody exploits of Ariel Sharon and the fascist Falange during the Lebanese civil war two decades ago. If the toll in human lives exacted in Afghanistan was not enough to balance the scales for September 11, why not slaughter thousands, if not tens of thousands more in Iraq?
The point, he suggests, is to terrorize the entire Arab and Islamic world, subjugating it to the requirements of Washington and Israel.
Having dispensed with the "real reason," he moves on to the "right" and "moral" ones. The "right reason" for the war, he claims, is "the need to partner with Iraqis, post-Saddam, to build a progressive Arab regime." Such a regime, Friedman suggests, would represent an antidote to a supposed terrorist threat by serving as a "model" for "angry, humiliated young Arabs and Muslims, who are produced by failed or failing Arab states."
"Partnering"--a term that generally describes two companies setting up a joint enterprise--is a strange word to use for what could better be described as plunder. One could as easily speak of Hitler's Germany "partnering" with the Poles to create Lebensraum in the east.
The contours of Friedman's "progressive Arab regime" that is supposed to serve as a "model" for all of the Arab "failed states" have already begun to emerge. Its principal foundation is the sweeping privatization of Iraq's state sector, beginning with its oil fields. Accompanying these measures, the US viceroy in Baghdad, L. Paul Bremer, has already announced more than half a million layoffs of Iraqi state workers.
Washington has made it clear that it will impose a "free market" economic model on Iraq-the same model that has produced a string of "failed states" from Latin America to Africa-regardless of what its people desire. This model will assure that the current mass unemployment and desperate poverty remain permanent. Politically, the regime will be a militarized puppet of the US.
The notion that such a state will inspire hope among "angry, humiliated young Arabs" is a measure of the appalling ignorance that merges seamlessly with Friedman's arrogance and bloodlust.
Finally, there is the "moral reason" for the war-the fact that the Iraqi regime of Saddam Hussein repressed its own people. Never mind that the CIA helped bring the Baathists to power and provided them with lists of socialists and nationalists who became their first victims.
"Once the war was over and I saw the mass graves and the true extent of Saddam's genocidal evil, my view was that Mr. Bush did not need to find any WMDs to justify the war for me," says the Times columnist.
The unearthing of human remains in Iraq was, according to Friedman, the irrefutable answer to anyone's questioning the morality of the war. That the bulk of these unearthed victims were Shiites, massacred with the tacit approval of the US government when they rebelled in the wake of the first Persian Gulf War, does not enter into Friedman's moral calculations.
Moreover, the unearthing of similar remains in Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Chile and Argentina--all victims of dictatorships installed by the CIA and the Pentagon--apparently escaped his notice. Had he seen the skulls and skeletons at those sites would it have caused a comparable epiphany, convincing him of the immorality of US imperialist interventions?
Friedman proudly declares that whether or not any WMDs are found or even existed is for him a matter of indifference. The "genocidal evil" that he perceived in the mass graves uncovered after the war was sufficient justification. "But I have to admit that I've always been fighting my own war in Iraq," he tells his readers. "Mr. Bush took the country into his war."
Friedman was never fighting his "own war in Iraq," not even in his own head. His job involved not fighting, but lying. After luncheon consultations with the war's Pentagon plotters, he crafted lying bits of sophistry to justify an illegal act of aggression. His specialty was to cloak a filthy and predatory enterprise in "progressive" and "moral" trappings.
The "Bush team," Friedman tells his readers, opted, "for PR reasons," not to disclose its "real reason" for war, not to mention its supposed "right" and "moral" motives.
Friedman, it should be pointed out, acknowledged during the buildup to the Iraq war that there existed no popular support for attacking the Middle Eastern country. In a column published February 5, he commented that he was "struck by an incredible contrast...between the audacity of what they [the Bush administration] intend to do in Iraq-a audacity that, I must say, has an appeal for me-and the incredibly narrow base of support that exists in America today for this audacious project."
An avowed advocate of war, Friedman found himself compelled to admit that in public appearances around the country, "there was not a single audience I spoke to where I felt there was a majority in favor of war in Iraq."
Faced with the same dilemma, the administration bombarded the public with phony propaganda about "weapons of mass destruction." It sought to terrorize the American people into supporting a war. It claimed repeatedly that Saddam Hussein's regime had a huge stockpile of nerve gas, biological weapons and possibly even atomic bombs, and was preparing to hand them over to the same band of terrorists that leveled the World Trade Center.
That this is no big deal for the leading foreign affairs columnist at the New York Times is itself a testimony to the degeneration of the media and the disappearance of any significant base of support for democratic rights within the ruling elite, including its supposedly liberal wing.
One only has to recall the furor unleashed by the Times, the Washington Post and others over Richard Nixon's secret bombing of Cambodia, not to mention his lying over what his administration tried to dismiss as a "second-rate burglary" at the Watergate complex some three decades ago.
Now, confronted with overwhelming evidence that a US administration launched an unprovoked war against a country that posed no threat to the American people based on lies and fabrications whose like has not been seen since the days of Adolf Hitler, the response is to invent "moral" alibis.
Implicit in this attempted whitewash is the idea that the American people have no right to know why the government sends its soldiers to kill and die in another country, much less to exercise any influence on the decision to go to war.
This is not a new idea. Herman Goering, the number-two man in Hitler's Third Reich, described the same concept quite well in an interview conducted in his Nuremberg jail cell: "Naturally, the common people don't want war, neither in Russia nor in England, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship...All you have to do is tell them that they are being attacked, and denounce the peacemakers for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same in any country."
The flagrancy of the illegality of the occupation and attempted subjugation of Iraq becomes more obvious and more odious each day.
In a civilized world and under the loosest interpretation of the Geneva Conventions, a large and powerful nation cannot simply overrun a small and defenseless one, kill tens of thousands of its citizens and soldiers, allow its museums of antiquity to be sacked, categorize its legitimate government officials as "wanted", and then declare the sole political party of the defeated nation to be outlawed, thereby rendering 15,000-30,000 former civil servants who alone possess the expertise to help put their shattered society back together ineligible to do so.
A nation simply cannot do these things in a world ruled by law--in a world in which any shred of justice remains.
Yet, the Bush administration IS doing these things in Iraq and each morning brings a more outlandish headline, while those that could make a difference--the Germans, the French, the Russians--fall into line behind this brazen thuggery on a continental scale, or remain very quiet for fear of reprisals--economic or otherwise--should they cry out against this ever-growing fester on the face of humanity.
I may be one lone voice and my opinion may be less important than a sparrow fart in Fargo, but I will speak out without fear of consequence.
Though a fait accompli of sorts now, the war on Iraq was and is wholly wrong, wholly unjustified, and wholly immoral.
No weapons of mass destruction have been found.
Tens of thousands of men, women and children have been killed.
Chaos reigns in the streets of Baghdad with the entire infrastructure of law enforcement, sanitation, and utility services in shambles.
Cholera is becoming epidemic.
Iraqi oil is already being appropriated by the occupiers.
Iraq's museums and libraries of antiquity, as well as hospitals and colleges and universities, have been ransacked as American military forces looked on.
Iraq is in complete chaos and at the point of dissolution while moronic Americans buy tasteless decks of playing cards at discount chains with images on them of the last people who kept any order in Iraq. These men and women are now "wanted" , according to the Bush administration and the money-grubbing printers of the tacky and gimmicky cards.
Insanity prevails and my fellow countrymen are allowing and encouraging it by their overwhelming approval of continuing and unprecedented lawless actions on the part of their government.
Is there no one with the intestinal fortitude to say, "enough is enough--I don't approve--we don't approve"?
May 16, 2003
(From The Observer of Great Britain)
By Ed Vulliamy
May 18, 2003
The Observer
One of the greatest wonders of civilisation, and probably the world's most ancient structure - the Sumerian city of Ur in southern Iraq - has been vandalised by American soldiers and airmen, according to aid workers in the area.
They claim that US forces have spray-painted the remains with graffiti and stolen kiln-baked bricks made millennia ago. As a result, the US military has put the archaeological treasure, which dates back 6,000 years, off-limits to its own troops. Any violations will be punishable in military courts.
Land immediately adjacent to Ur has been chosen by the Pentagon for a sprawling airfield and military base. Access is highly selective, screened and subject to military escorts, which - even if agreed - need to be arranged days or weeks in advance and carefully skirt the areas of reported damage.
There has been no official response to the allegations of vandalism - reported to The
Observer by aid workers and one concerned US officer.
Ur is believed by many to be the birthplace of the prophet Abraham. It was the religious seat of the civilisation of Sumer at the dawn of the line of dynasties which ruled Mesopotamia starting about 4000 BC. Long before the rise of the Egyptian, Greek or was here that the wheel was invented and the first mathematical system developed. Here, the first poetry was written, notably the epic Gilganesh, a classic of ancient literature.
The most prominent monument is the best preserved ziggurat - stepped pyramid - in the Arab world, initially built by the Sumerians around 4000 BC and restored by Nebuchadnezzar II in the sixth century BC.
The Pentagon has elected to build its massive and potentially permanent base right alongside the site, so that the view from the peak of the ziggurat - more or less unchanged for 6,000 years - will be radically altered.
Each hour, long convoys of trucks heave gravel and building materials through checkpoints and the barbed wire perimeter extends daily.
There are reports that walls have been damaged by spray-painted graffiti, mostly patriotic or other slogans, and regimental mottos. One graffiti reads: 'SEMPER FE' - Always Faithful - the motto of the Marines, who stormed through this region on their way to Baghdad, and form a contingent at the base.
Other reports by groups who cannot be named for fear of losing access to medical patients being treated on the base say there has been widespread stealing of clay bricks baked to build and restore the structures at Ur.
The Army Public Affairs office at Ur refused to speak to The Observer.
And the following derives from the government of a group of right-wing zealots who have been crowing and strutting about the 2nd Amendment right to bear arms for decades! I guess only Americans have that right, huh. There are two sets of rules in this world now. One for American good ol' boys and another for the rest of humanity.
05/15/03: Baghdad, Iraq-AP -- The U-S military is now telling Iraqis they cannot own or sell guns. Any Iraqi who does faces arrest, according to a new radio spot running in the country.
Lieutenant General David McKiernan, who is commanding U-S forces on the ground, says a new set of laws in Iraq are aimed at rebuilding law and order.
One problem U-S forces have is the tens of thousands of weapons Saddam Hussein's government gave out in its final days in power. Many ended up in the hands of looters or criminals.
McKiernan has issued a statement saying coalition forces will hunt down those people -- whom he calls a threat to everyone in Iraq. He is urging any Iraqi who owns a firearm to turn it in to coalition forces.
(Editor's note: This plan didn't go too well, apparently. There are a few guns left in Iraqi hands in Fallujah and other Iraqi cities in April 2004. D.G.H. 4/16/04)
May 2002
I viewed Hollywood's adaptation of Robert James Waller's "The Bridges of Madison County" recently. I had seen the film initially some years ago and regarded it as much ado about nothing for the most part at that time.
But I was struck in this new viewing more than before by the universality of Francesca Johnson's dilemma. Perhaps maturation and recent life experiences have generated a heightened understanding and awareness on my part.
Robert Kinkaid possessed a few of the qualities that have both inspired and dogged me during my middle years.
He was a rootless writer and photographer, as well as a keen and cynical observer of the human condition. Kinkaid had been far and done much. He had seen and experienced multiple facets of life and love and possessed limitless anecdotal knowledge of the world. He offered much to Francesca in terms of sensitivity, understanding, appreciation of beauty and companionship that she would never find on an Iowa farm.
But Kinkaid lacked Middle America's major indicators of success and worthiness--roots sunk deeply in one geographic location, a home and real estate, and most importantly, a traditional Cleaver family mind set.
Francesca reluctantly opted for the Cleavers, choosing security and safety over fascination, inspiration and love. She lived out her years with a boring Iowa pig farmer, remaining a lonely and empty woman with nothing but tattered memories of her brief encounter with Kinkaid.
Had I been writing the screenplay, I would have had her fling open that truck door and dash through the rain storm to head west with Robert Kinkaid.
For better or worse, that's the impulsive sort of decision that has governed my life more often than not.
But such actions and those who take them do not comfort the psyche of Middle America's puritanical heartland.
Though they know better from their own experiences and those of others, the majority of Americans--middle class protestant ones especially--prefer to keep their heads safely in the sand about life and the human condition, pretending still in a little house on the prairie dream world that probably never was--one that most certainly doesn't exist now.
All is well in this delusional world of make believe--one that's filled with Little League games, soccer moms, church suppers and PTO meetings. Marriage and family are still the rocks of civilization and the ostriches are "saved" and bound for Heaven. Their president, George W. Bush, is a worthy man with a commission from their God to root out homosexuality, abortion and Islam.
In my opinion, such as they dwell in the outer limits of utter darkness, living and dying without a clue about the past, the present, or the future. They're not living--they're merely existing in a state of perpetual denial, awaiting the flat line and the rude awakening that will likely follow.
Thoreau wrote, "The mass of men lead lives of quiet desperation. What is termed resignation is confirmed desperation."
Francesca Johnson completed her life journey in this condition of quiet desperation. I think that's a damned shame. I wanted more for her. I wanted her to go with Robert Kinkaid and seek a few years of happiness and joy while they each hade time and opportunity.
America's love affair with guns, violence must end By D. Grant Haynes First there were the two students that were killed and the nine that were wounded by a fellow student at a Pearl, Mississippi high school in October 1997. Then only two months later--in December 1997--three were killed and five were wounded at a Paducah, Kentucky high school. And we all remember the horror of the Jonesboro, Arkansas shootings three months after Paducah when, in March 1998, two children, ages 11 and 13, opened fire from the woods, killing four students and a teacher and wounding 10 others before they were stopped. A month later--in April 1998--a 14-year-old boy in Edinboro, Pennsylvania shot and killed a science teacher at a school dance. And less than a month after the Pennsylvania shooting--in May 1998--America was rocked twice in three terrible days when news came of similar killings by teenagers at Fayetteville, Tennessee and Springfield, Oregon high schools. The toll in those May 19 and May 21 killing sprees was five dead and 20 wounded. The insanity of free-wheeling murder by gun-toting students with real or imagined beefs against the system or individuals at American schools did not end in 1998, unfortunately. The nation and the world are, even now, reeling in shock and disbelief in the aftermath of the recent massacre at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado. In that April 20 shooting rampage 13 people died and 22 others were injured or maimed by two disaffected students who later turned their portable arsenal that included assault rifles, sawed-off shotguns and handguns on themselves. The talking heads on television and elsewhere are busy discussing all that is wrong in American society that could cause kids with one of the highest standards of living in the world to be so unhappy that they elect to take their own and others' lives rather than stick around and grow up. They cite erosion of the traditional family unit and a loss of a sense of identity--of ties to family, church and home--as sources of the rage the kids are expressing with their assault rifles. And the print media wags, many of whom are fence-straddlers plagued by a paucity of spine in the face of the conservative business interests in their communities, are busy writing hand-wringing statements attacking equally "safe" targets. They wax eloquent about a need to return to "old fashioned values." They cite the culpability of the electronic media for glorifying excessive violence in movies and video games merely to sell more tickets and tapes and 30-second prime time advertising spots. Much of what all of these Monday morning quarterbacks offer is probably true, but none of it addresses the most patently obvious message in the series of tragic shootings at American schools during the last 18 months. By and large, the commentators tiptoe past the obvious with limited comment, lest the traditional power structure in their little domains and in this WASPish society in general become offended. There are far too many guns in America. Guns of all sizes, shapes, calibers and intended purposes are too readily available and play too important a role in the work, play, thinking, attitudes and personal lives of too many Americans of all ages. Had the disenchanted youths who have done all the killing on school campuses recently not had access to handguns, deer rifles, sawed-off shotguns and even military assault rifles in their homes and communities, they could not have murdered others as they did. And many innocent people would be alive today who aren't. America's love affair with guns and violence as a way to solve problems--with the frontier mystique that is a holdover from a past that no longer exists--must end. The National Rifle Association's unhealthy influence in Congress and in conservative circles of business and industry must come to an end too. The NRA is an anachronism at the close of the 20th Century and, like their current spokesman, Charlton Heston, the organization should retire from the scene. There will never be a cessation of the killings at America's schools--or a turnaround in a death-by-gunshot incidence rate in the United States that is greater than that of any other civilized nation--until the American home with a cabinet full of hunting rifles, shotguns and handguns becomes the exception rather than the rule. No amount of baloney about our "constitutional right to keep and bear arms" should be allowed to eclipse or thwart what all Americans of common sense and good conscience must know in their hearts in the wake of the Columbine High massacre. Some of the guns have to go.
First there were the two students that were killed and the nine that were wounded by a fellow student at a Pearl, Mississippi high school in October 1997.
Then only two months later--in December 1997--three were killed and five were wounded at a Paducah, Kentucky high school.
And we all remember the horror of the Jonesboro, Arkansas shootings three months after Paducah when, in March 1998, two children, ages 11 and 13, opened fire from the woods, killing four students and a teacher and wounding 10 others before they were stopped.
A month later--in April 1998--a 14-year-old boy in Edinboro, Pennsylvania shot and killed a science teacher at a school dance.
And less than a month after the Pennsylvania shooting--in May 1998--America was rocked twice in three terrible days when news came of similar killings by teenagers at Fayetteville, Tennessee and Springfield, Oregon high schools. The toll in those May 19 and May 21 killing sprees was five dead and 20 wounded.
The insanity of free-wheeling murder by gun-toting students with real or imagined beefs against the system or individuals at American schools did not end in 1998, unfortunately.
The nation and the world are, even now, reeling in shock and disbelief in the aftermath of the recent massacre at Columbine High School in Littleton, Colorado.
In that April 20 shooting rampage 13 people died and 22 others were injured or maimed by two disaffected students who later turned their portable arsenal that included assault rifles, sawed-off shotguns and handguns on themselves.
The talking heads on television and elsewhere are busy discussing all that is wrong in American society that could cause kids with one of the highest standards of living in the world to be so unhappy that they elect to take their own and others' lives rather than stick around and grow up.
They cite erosion of the traditional family unit and a loss of a sense of identity--of ties to family, church and home--as sources of the rage the kids are expressing with their assault rifles.
And the print media wags, many of whom are fence-straddlers plagued by a paucity of spine in the face of the conservative business interests in their communities, are busy writing hand-wringing statements attacking equally "safe" targets.
They wax eloquent about a need to return to "old fashioned values." They cite the culpability of the electronic media for glorifying excessive violence in movies and video games merely to sell more tickets and tapes and 30-second prime time advertising spots.
Much of what all of these Monday morning quarterbacks offer is probably true, but none of it addresses the most patently obvious message in the series of tragic shootings at American schools during the last 18 months.
By and large, the commentators tiptoe past the obvious with limited comment, lest the traditional power structure in their little domains and in this WASPish society in general become offended.
There are far too many guns in America.
Guns of all sizes, shapes, calibers and intended purposes are too readily available and play too important a role in the work, play, thinking, attitudes and personal lives of too many Americans of all ages.
Had the disenchanted youths who have done all the killing on school campuses recently not had access to handguns, deer rifles, sawed-off shotguns and even military assault rifles in their homes and communities, they could not have murdered others as they did. And many innocent people would be alive today who aren't.
America's love affair with guns and violence as a way to solve problems--with the frontier mystique that is a holdover from a past that no longer exists--must end.
The National Rifle Association's unhealthy influence in Congress and in conservative circles of business and industry must come to an end too. The NRA is an anachronism at the close of the 20th Century and, like their current spokesman, Charlton Heston, the organization should retire from the scene.
There will never be a cessation of the killings at America's schools--or a turnaround in a death-by-gunshot incidence rate in the United States that is greater than that of any other civilized nation--until the American home with a cabinet full of hunting rifles, shotguns and handguns becomes the exception rather than the rule.
No amount of baloney about our "constitutional right to keep and bear arms" should be allowed to eclipse or thwart what all Americans of common sense and good conscience must know in their hearts in the wake of the Columbine High massacre.
Some of the guns have to go.
(Written in April 1998 shortly after the school yard killings in Jonesboro, Arkansas of March 24, 1998.)
Services had not been set for the five victims of the recent senseless violence at an Arkansas middle school when the tattered and, under the circumstances of the moment seemingly obscene, litany of the far right about gun control was heard once more in our land.
"Guns don't kill--people kill", these stalwart, self-appointed defenders of America were telling us even as we began to try to understand how and why two pre-adolescent children, ages 11 and 13, could or would set an ambush and murder with high-powered deer rifles four of their fellow classmates and a young teacher. It had happened at Westside Middle School in Jonesboro, Arkansas, on March 24.
And then there were the inelegant locals--a mayor, a sheriff, and assorted others--all thrust into a limelight they never anticipated and were ill-equipped to handle well. Their biggest concern--the overriding question being discussed by these "law and order" folks--revolved around how long the two allegedly murderous middle school suspects could be kept locked away from decent people.
What troubled the local commentators most was an Arkansas law that would see the boys released from juvenile detention at age 18, even if convicted in juvenile court. Many wished there was a way to try them as adults so they could be incarcerated for life--or perhaps sentenced to death.
No one was talking about the complicity of the adults and institutions in the world of these children that have been responsible for forging them into the insensitive and violence-prone little animals they and thousands like them have become in America lately.
The adult world fashioned these children into what they are and punishment for their heinous crime should be directed at the real perpetrators--not at the small boys.
Perpetrators like the grandfather from whose home three deadly hunting rifles and seven handguns were allegedly taken in preparation for the killing spree.
Perpetrators like the hawkers of violence as a simple and readily available solution to every problem in this society--from the makers of movies whose only theme is mindless mayhem and conscienceless carnage to the video game manufacturers who have constructed a virtual reality world for impressionable young minds--an electronic battlefield where death is as quick and clean and painless as clicking the mouse. SOCK! BANG! POW!--the opponent is electronically vanquished and there is no consequence.
Perpetrators like the lobbyists for the National Rifle Association whose inordinate influence in Washington prevents politically sensitive lawmakers from passing meaningful legislation to restrict the sale and ownership of death-dealing weapons of all kinds--the only common sense solution to the national tragedy of a firearm-related death rate among American children that is 12 times higher than that of any other industrialized nation on earth.
And finally, there are the legions of well-meaning but unenlightened American men who glorify killing as sport, teaching their sons that the right of passage into manhood includes "getting their first buck". They too are far from blameless in the dilemma we now face.
Rather than heap scorn and heightened punishment scenarios on the two fresh-faced school boys who pulled the triggers in Arkansas, the real culprits--the individuals and institutions that enshrine guns and violence and the bloodthirsty customs and outgrown rituals surrounding them as "sport"--should be manacled.
And the avaricious purveyors of the excessive entertainment industry violence that desensitizes impressionable children about the sanctity of life should be led away with them.
These long-overdue changes would be a just and fitting memorial to the five innocent people who gave their lives in a hail of hunting rifle fire on that Arkansas school ground March 24.
(Written in March 1998 at the time of the California primary election campaign that saw Republican Congressman Frank Riggs attacking Democratic Senator Barbara Boxer, his anticipated election opponent in the fall general election, over her pro-environment stand on the Headwaters Forest controversy in Humboldt County, California. Riggs later withdrew from the primary and Barbara Boxer defeated her Republican opponent in the November election, of course.)
In a recent press release, 1st District Republican Congressman Frank Riggs of Napa chided Senator Barbara Boxer, his Democrat opponent in the upcoming U.S. Senate election, for not enthusiastically joining him and Senator Diane Feinstein (D) in the so-called "Headwaters" deal, details of which had been disclosed the prior day.
Riggs sought to characterize the tentative arrangement between the federal and state governments and the Pacific Lumber/Maxxam Corporation as a stunning victory for everyone--as pro-environment and pro-jobs--as an example of nonpartisan consensus politics at its best.
Riggs asked rhetorically and tauntingly in the release that fairly reeked of election year partisanship,
"But where's (was) Barbara Boxer ?". (At the time he and Senator Feinstein were putting their stamps of approval on the Headwaters deal, he meant.)
Maybe environmentally sensitive Senator Boxer was in her office weeping while the deal was being struck. Well she might have been. And well might all enlightened Americans have been.
The proposal, which is all but a fait accompli, but on which final action will not be taken until March 1999, would see 60,000 acres of old growth and virgin Humboldt County redwoods environmentalists have fought for a decade to save pared down to a mere 15,500 acres, only 7,500 acres of which would be protected in perpetuity as a public park. Some of the rest will be subject to minor logging immediately and all of the rest will be subject to logging after a 50-year moratorium expires under terms of the agreement.
The arrangement being proposed is no victory for the environment. It's a shortsighted sellout to a powerful and influential timber corporation that wants to continue cutting redwoods that were shading a sun-dappled forest floor when Balboa discovered the Pacific.
When one considers that human greed and shortsighted, rapacious logging over the past 150 years have already destroyed more than 96 percent of the unbroken canopy of Pacific Coast redwoods that once stretched from the present Oregon Coast to the Big Sur, what species of madness could justify sacrifice of three fourths of the pitifully small four percent remaining?
The hour is already late for the human race. The warning flags are flying. The ozone layer is depleted and carbon dioxide levels are steadily rising as planet-sustaining forest habitats continue to be destroyed precipitously. We as a species are apparently nearing the end of our tenure on this planet because of the very sort of greed and exploitation of the natural world embodied in the Headwaters deal.
But even at this eleventh hour for us all as a species, and in what is, arguably, the most progressive and environmentally conscious state in the most progressive and environmentally conscious nation on Earth, some politicians are willing still to strike deals with ruthless industrialists like Pacific Lumber/Maxxam CEO Charles Hurwitz of Texas who wants to cut a few thousand more acres of old growth redwoods in his time for no reason more noble than corporate profit.
And what use will they make of the lumber from those magnificent forest giants that have weathered 2,000 years of earthquakes and fires and climatic vagaries to still thrust their 300-plus-foot deity-affirming spires into the heavens? Will they produce some paneling to adorn an egotistical man's castle during his ephemeral span, perhaps?
How could any enlightened human justify cutting even one more of the few remaining ancient redwoods? It should never happen. Not for jobs. Not for corporate profit taking. Not for any conceivable reason.
Congressman Riggs, your involvement in the Headwaters deal is nothing to beat your chest about.
It's a disgrace.
I've long been weary of seeing Thomas Jefferson's brilliant prose in the Declaration of Independence appropriated by Bible-punching fundamentalist preachers as proof that the Founding Fathers wanted Jesus rammed down everybody's throat in the new nation they risked their lives to found in 1776.
"We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal, and are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights," Jefferson had penned.
Elsewhere in the hallowed document Jefferson referred to the "Laws of Nature and of Nature's God"-- a clear allusion to Jefferson's Deism or nature-centered conception of deity.
In another paragraph in which the signers sought to further justify their bold intentions, reference was made to the "Supreme Judge" of the world as the final arbiter of the actions of men.
Finally, in the last paragraph of the Declaration of Independence Jefferson and the 12 other brave men about to affix their signatures to a document that would become their death warrants if the revolution failed, made reference to their "reliance on the protection of Divine Providence."
From the slender thread of usage of the terms, "Creator", "Nature's God", "Divine Providence" and "Supreme Judge"-- never "Jehovah" or the "Christian God" or the "Son of God" or "Jesus"-- Ashcroft and 10,000 other protestant preachers have since elected to conclude that their brand of militant, emotional, unreasoning, Pentecostal religious fervor was authorized by the Founding Fathers.
Nothing could be further from the case.
Jefferson, like many other American Revolutionary patriots (Thomas Paine, author of Common Sense and The Crisis, for example), was a child of the Age of Reason, not of brush arbor frontier evangelism. Jefferson was a brilliant writer, philosopher, thinker and inventor whose musings transcended those of frontier preachers considerably.
Jefferson was, in fact, a Deist and his philosophy was more closely attuned to the Unitarianism of his day than to conventional protestantism. He was a friend and champion of English scientist and Unitarian pastor Joseph Priestley who had emigrated to America after persecution for his refusal to accept the concept of the Trinity and other trappings of the Church of England. The two thinkers exchanged correspondence for many years.
Concerning Jefferson's conception of the role of Jesus in human history, Jefferson biographer and researcher Martin A Larson, wrote in a 1977 work,The Essence of Jefferson, "...it is certain that he (Jefferson) regarded Jesus simply as a great ethical teacher and that he rejected all doctrines which attributed to him a supernatural birth, a divine mission, miraculous powers, a resurrection from the grave, or any expectation of a Second Coming. In short, his general position was nearly that of a modern Unitarian or perhaps a Humanist. In fact, in one letter he declared that he hoped the entire American nation would one day become Unitarian."
In a 1787 letter to a student contemplating religious study Jefferson wrote, "Question with boldness even the existence of God; because if there be one, he must more approve of the homage of reason than that of blindfold fear."
So where do Ashcroft and the rest of them get off appropriating Thomas Jefferson for their own purposes?
Interpolating from his writings, Jefferson would probably disapprove of Ashcroft's theology. And I'm almost certain he'd abhor George W. Bush's aberrant "faith-based" initiative proposal.
Jefferson biographer Larson wrote, "In every way and at all times, Jefferson's watchword ... was the unlimited freedom of the human mind. And let us note that when he said he had sworn on the altar of God eternal enmity against every form of tyranny over the mind of man, the declaration was directed, not at the English government or the hated financiers, but toward two Protestant denominations which were attempting to drive from educational institutions those who would not subscribe to their dogmas."
Above all else Mr. Jefferson of Monticello wanted the federal government to maintain an impenetrable chasm of separation from sectarian organizations, however successful or unsuccessful, popular or unpopular, politically correct or incorrect, sensible or foolish, a given denomination might appear to be.
I wish that George W. Bush was as wise.
Attorney General John Ashcroft was quoted by the Associated Press following John Walker Lindh's Feb. 5 federal grand jury indictment as saying, "Americans who love their country do not dedicate themselves to killing Americans"...
That's a reasonable enough statement on the surface, though I am not aware of a federal law requiring an American to "love his country". I suspect we all love our country in varying degrees and in varying ways according to our life experiences in our country.
One might contribute a broadening ancillary phrase to the dialog by noting that "humanitarians who love their fellow men and respect all life do not dedicate themselves to developing ever more sophisticated and efficient means of exterminating others in callous disregard of the sanctity of all life."
Be that as it may be and returning to the matter at hand, Ashcroft's amorphous catch-all, say nothing phrase, "love their country", could be expanded in dangerous ways by a fascist state bent on stifling criticism and opposition.
Some "love of country" possibilities we may soon hear come readily to mind...
Americans who love their country don't criticize its leaders or their policies in times of war. (Remember that the war on terrorism is expected to last for decades.)
Americans who love their country volunteer for military service.
Americans who love their country protect 2nd Amendment freedoms by joining the National Rifle Association.
Americans who love their country protect the free enterprise system and the American way of life by voting Republican.
Americans who love their country buy flags, bumper stickers, window decals and lawn signs in the patriotic section between the plastic flowers and the rotting bananas at their local discount center and display them prominently.
Is it possible we are only a step away from lockstep conformity and intimidation in the United States in which failure to exhibit outward and visible manifestations of "love of country" -- i.e., lapel pins, flags, bumper stickers, and other pseudo-patriotic plasticized paraphernalia--becomes an actionable offense--a litmus test, passage of which protects us from federal, state and local profiling, harassment and prosecution?
After the "love of country" fascist curtailment of liberty and free speech in the name of patriotism has been accomplished by the Bush administration, will the next prerequisite to remain in favor with Ashcroft be a public profession of "love for Jesus"? We know his Savior is always on his mind.
Who would be surprised at anything now, considering the vast curtailments in civil liberties already adopted by Congress without discussion in the post-911 hysteria of these troubling times?
I love much about my country, but I don't love the direction it has taken since being hijacked in December 2000 by George W. Bush with the help of the infamous felonious five Supreme Court justices that facilitated the coup. Nothing has gone well nationally or internationally since that ill-fated subversion of the democratic process.
June 11, 2001
Timothy McVeigh, 33, was executed by lethal injection this morning at 7 a.m. CDT as he lay strapped onto a death chamber gurney at a maximum security federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana.
McVeigh's execution came six years after he allegedly master-minded a plot to bomb the Murray Federal Building in Oklahoma City on April 19, 1995. That act led to the deaths of 168 individuals.
If capital punishment is a legitimate, viable and morally acceptable solution to criminal activity, few individuals have been more deserving of the death penalty than McVeigh.
But I do not believe capital punishment--the planned and premeditated murder by the state of an individual as retribution for wrongs committed against society by that individual--is a legitimate, viable and morally acceptable solution to criminal activity.
The logic of an execution--that a second wrong deed meted out by society to the criminal for what that person did wrong will balance the ledger and produce equity--is illogical. Two wrongs do not constitute a right.
Capital punishment administered by the state is a reaffirmation that violence and death are a logical and justifiable way to solve a problem. They are not.
McVeigh's criminal act was unspeakably terrible and should not be minimized. But his murder this morning by the federal government was equally reprehensible.
Premeditated destruction of a life--whether by lethal injection, electrocution, hanging, firing squad or a bomb such as McVeigh is said to have used in Oklahoma City--is always wrong.
There are simply too many unfathomable moral issues involved that are beyond the purview of man's present wisdom, knowledge and understanding for the state to assume the heady posture of being the arbiter of life and death.
In the first place, the perceived culpability of the one being executed is almost always linked to a greater or lesser degree to transitory human concepts that typically are built on the quick sands of religious zealotry, myopic nationalism, racism and the darkest elements of hatred and revenge.
From a universal or cosmic perspective, if not a 21st Century nationalistic American one, Timothy McVeigh was (and is) no more guilty of murder than crew members of the Enola Gay who incinerated 140,000 men, women and children in a microsecond on August 6, 1945, at Hiroshima, Japan.
From that broader perspective, McVeigh is no more guilty of murder than the nameless and numberless crews of high-flying B-52's that bombed North Vietnamese hamlets and all their cringing inhabitants into cratered oblivion during the Vietnam War--a war we now know had no purpose, solved no problems, and was a mistake from the outset.
McVeigh was a decorated Gulf War hero who probably learned to use explosives to kill at the direction of the U.S. military in preparation for his role in the extermination of thousands of Iraqi soldiers during "Stormin' Norman" Schwarzkopf's little Mideast turkey shoot a decade ago.
He was commended with a Bronze Star for killing in Iraq in a national statement to Saddam Hussein, but he was executed for killing in Oklahoma City in a personal statement to his own government.
My objective is not to defend McVeigh's terrible act in Oklahoma City, but only to point out that one man's villain is another man's hero in human life. It's always a matter of perspective--nothing more.
In any case, Timothy McVeigh is okay today.
He drifted harmlessly and painlessly out of Terre Haute's grim death chamber and to another reality and energy system even as his executioners, their unheroic deed accomplished, unstrapped his lifeless body from the gurney under the cold gaze of closed circuit television.
The television system had enabled family members of his victims to watch the unseemly spectacle--allegedly to achieve "healing and closure". I suspect, however, that some who viewed this morning's macabre event in Terre Haute are more disturbed than healed by what they saw.
Well they should be.
Watching a man die will lend no healing to anyone and any vengeful observer of this morning's execution who now professes healing as a result of watching McVeigh die is in as much need of rehabilitation as is McVeigh.
Timothy McVeigh has many lessons to learn and taskmasters wiser than earth plane judges and prison yard executioners will oversee his progress. But he still possesses boundless opportunities to correct his mistakes and retrace his errant footsteps, as do we all.
Timothy McVeigh is not in fundamentalism's imagined "hell" today, as much as some of the most unenlightened members of the American public hope and affirm in their ignorant chortles.
He is in the same locale they too--indeed, all of us--will be in during early stages of the transition from the earth life plane to another energy system when we "die".
McVeigh's impending life review will be a stern one and future lessons he'll have to learn may differ from those some of the rest of us will encounter, but only by degree.
The process will be essentially the same for us all.
Sinners and saints--beggars and CEO's--even executioners who spent their lives here premeditatedly murdering men strapped to gurneys or electric chairs--will continue to grow and learn and change and evolve until the dross is separated from the gold and a more perfect man is realized.
(Written in February 1998 at the time of the execution of Karla Faye Tucker in Texas, but of renewed interest now in light of George W. Bush's selection as president.)
On February 3, 1998 at around 6:30 p.m. in Texas 38-year-old convicted murderess Karla Faye Tucker went quietly--almost serenely, observers said--to her death in Huntsville at the state's maximum security prison.
Karla Faye had been convicted 14 years earlier for her role in a brutal 1983 Houston double murder. She had never protested her innocence through the years of appeals that eventually ran out after going all the way to the Supreme Court. She admitted participation in the crime.
The basis of her legal plea that her life be spared, and of the humanitarian pleas of an impressive array of champions ranging all the way to Pope John Paul II, was that she had undergone a Christian conversion and was not the same woman she had been 15 years before when, high on drugs and at the culmination of a childhood of neglect and abuse, she and a now-dead partner killed two people.
And there was abundant evidence she had indeed had a monstrous childhood of neglect and abuse.
There was also convincing evidence she had been genuinely transformed by her Christian conversion and that she probably would spend the rest of her life, whether in prison or out, appealing to others not to make the mistakes she had made.
After all, her champions said, was this not the central theme of Christianity--that goodness and love and Christly compassion can overcome evil--that forgiveness can be obtained and that redemption of a sinner is possible? It was a convincing argument--especially in a state like Texas--so replete with conservative Christian congregations that pay lip service to these notions every Sunday.
But in the end, conservative Texans would have no part of it. Karla Faye's last chance to live slipped away when Texas Governor George W. Bush elected not to intervene during the final hours prior to the lethal injection.
Karla Faye Tucker is gone. (One can hope to a pleasanter realm than Texas' drear death row cell block where she spent so much of her adult life.) But the philosophical, moral and religious issues raised by her highly publicized case are not gone and will not go away soon.
The case has brought the whole ugly specter of capital punishment before the public gaze in a way few other executions have in recent years. I believe the Tucker case will be pivotal and that Americans will move to an eventual revulsion at the prospect of capital punishment as a solution to societal problems.
There was a time when this writer would have championed capital punishment. But I am no longer there. My changed consciousness will no longer allow me to be comfortable with capital punishment.
Now, I know I would not want to be the one--indeed, I could not be the one--to pull the switch--or begin the drip of the lethal drugs into a Karla Faye Tucker's arm. Could you? If your answer is, like mine, a resounding "no", then we're each guilty of hypocrisy for condoning--not speaking out against--a societal solution we cannot accept personally--one we've outgrown in our individual journeys. We're letting the archetypal hangman with the black hood from our violent past as a species perform a ritual that is no longer ours.
In my opinion, to premeditatedly take the life of another creature--another repository of the divine spark--whether for food or for fur or in retribution for their own wrongdoing in the case of a human is morally reprehensible.
On a purely pragmatic level, and concerning human justice, an overwhelming case can be made against capital punishment. Like the gross imperfections in the present system--one that has seen people executed who were later proven to have been innocent of the crime for which they gave their lives.
One in which the money, prestige, glamour and potential for societal disruption if convicted sees a man like O.J. Simpson go free, while an unimportant little Texas white trash nobody like Karla Faye Tucker has to mount the gurney and keep her appointment with death.
No, our justice system is too imperfect--too flawed--too unequal in application--too sensitive to political whims at times--for us, collectively, to take on the heady task of deciding who should live and who should die and how and when such justice should be administered. I doubt we have earned the right. I want no part of it.
We as a nation and as a species should not be in the death business--not for the Karla Faye Tuckers of the human race or for any of the millions of other sentient creatures over whom we arrogantly imagine ourselves to have fleeting dominion. A solution must be found to our blood lust as a species.
September 1999
Back East the President and Mrs. Clinton stroll the streets of Skaneateles, New York, hand-in-hand, looking for a post-presidential home.
Meanwhile, down South...
Former Republican House Majority leader Newt Gingrich dodges reporters' questions in Georgia about the recently-released details of a divorce settlement with his second wife--one in which the name of a former female aide figures prominently.
And over in Arkansas Senator Tim Hutchinson, an ordained minister who once pastored a congregation in Northwest Arkansas, stiffly refers reporters to a previously-released statement about his now-finalized divorce with his wife of decades, Donna Hutchinson. There too, the role of a certain other woman has been whispered.
And a flurry of new-old aphorisms--universally applicable rules of human conduct--come to the minds of many of us.
How about the biblical injunction, "Judge not, that ye be not judged"?
Or, "For there is nothing covered, that shall not be revealed; neither hid, that shall not be known"?
More to the point perhaps, "Thou hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own eye...."
Or, in the vernacular, "What goes around comes around."
Folks, there has to be a degree of poetic justice in all of this.
Do you recall what this nation and its president were enduring a year ago in the impeachment proceeding?
Do you remember how then-House majority leader Newt Gingrich of Georgia, along with Senator Hutchinson's brother, Asa, Republican Congressman Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, and a dozen other self-righteous young Republican lions persecuted our president week after week after wearying week as the summer drifted into fall?
They crucified Bill Clinton endlessly, delivering countless impassioned prosecutorial pleas on the floor of the House and then the Senate about the President's alleged lack of moral leadership--about his forfeiture of the right to lead the nation again because of his admitted adulterous affair with Monica Lewinsky.
The President had slipped. He had made a foolish mistake of an extremely embarrassing and personal nature with a woman young enough to be his daughter and his Republican persecutors would not let it go.
They sought blood. They were unrelenting, showing no mercy and no good taste even in forcing every lurid detail to be published, hashed and rehashed.
They were just plain mean-spirited in their frenzy to get the President while he was against the ropes, as it were.
We who supported President Clinton throughout the impeachment ordeal saw the pain and strain in his haggard face at that dark hour in his career and we prayed that he be given the strength to endure and to survive his trial by fire.
He was given the strength and he did endure and he did survive.
President Clinton has since exonerated himself to a large degree, demonstrating again his remarkable capacity for bouncing back.
He showed world class leadership with his steel and determination to do the right thing in the Kosovo crisis. Even his most partisan critics have found little to fault in his performance as leader of the predominant NATO nation in the Kosovo outcome.
President and Mrs. Clinton are okay. Whatever their differences and problems, they've worked them out and are purchasing a home in New York State as a base for the First Lady's likely political career there.
And where are some of the President's meanest former critics now--the Hutchinsons and Gingriches who preached sanctimoniously during the summer of 1998 about morality and family values and of the President's great moral flaws?
They're squirming before the cameras and recorders in their own little personal hells created by their hypocrisy. They're trying to explain why they, like Bill Clinton, are human and have flaws.
Meanwhile, Hillary and Bill stroll the shady, leaf-strewn fall streets of Skaneateles--their well-wishers--the wise people of Middle America who never had any stomach for the impeachment circus anyway--thronging them in adoration.
Indeed, what a difference a year can make.
(Written in the fall of 1998)
Before it was Monica and "perjury" it was Chinagate. And before Chinagate it was filegate. And before filegate it was travelgate. And before Chinagate, filegate and travelgate, there was Whitewater.
The same mean-spirited coterie of sore-losing hypocritical conservatives have been out to get Bill Clinton since the day he won the presidency. Their minions at the grass roots level are the ones who drove around with "Don't Blame Me--I Voted For Bush" bumper stickers on their vehicles for years after the 1992 election.
These individuals and the ideological groupings they represent have hated the President from the outset--not because of his personal standards of conduct (theirs are probably no better, and they could care less anyway)--but because he initiated programs and supported initiatives that would see them lose a few of their cherished advantages in American society. He represented the changes they did not want to see occur.
He wanted health care reform to establish minimal care levels for all Americans at the expense of some of the profits of physicians' groups and the drug and insurance companies whose CEO's are amassing fortunes while millions have no medical services available at all. He and his lovely wife proposed a reform package and those with a vested interest in the status quo did not want the Clinton health care reform to succeed.
They mocked Hillary Clinton for her efforts with various stupid jokes and bumper stickers that disparaged the First Lady as usurping her husband's role.
President Clinton and his able vice-president, Al Gore of Tennessee, wanted environmental legislation that would save redwood trees and endangered species at the expense of selfish and rapacious lumber giants like Pacific Lumber/Maxxam Corporation in Northern California.
Those interests hated him and his "green" legislation from the outset because they wanted to continue cutting the few remaining groves of ancient redwoods in the name of jobs, progress, and corporate profit.
And, again, there were no perjury charges and there was no Monica Lewinsky in the picture at that time, but those who opposed everything our handsome, successful Democratic president was seeking to accomplish still opposed him for purely selfish and partisan reasons.
Now, in this hour of great political peril for the President, the amoral sharks who opposed him all along anyway and on general principles, smell blood in the water and are joining hypocritically with a rag-tag coalition of moral majority preachers, beer-guzzling rednecks, and cowardly politicians from both sides of the aisle in Congress (politics does indeed make strange bed fellows) to call for Clinton's destruction.
They cloak themselves in the flag, the Constitution and the Bible as they speak gravely about the "rule of law" and "moral authority" and "doing what is right". When did any of them adhere to such lofty moral dictums in the marketplace or in their own personal affairs? Not often.
Bill Clinton--this president of the people--has fought for the people and against the vested business interests most often represented by the Republican Party in this nation throughout his six years in the White House.
Seemingly, what anguished his enemies most was that he did it so well! Despite the unrelenting opposition of congressional Republicans on much that he tried to do, he had unparalleled success in balancing the budget and in establishing a climate of prosperity in America that none could fault. Crime rates started down. The stock market started up. But the enemies of the President never gave up in their relentless search for a chink in his armor.
When his opponents could establish nothing of substance with which to crucify him after years of delving into Whitewater and travelgate and Chinagate and God only knows how many other probes that never saw the light of day, they turned to his one area of known weakness--his Achilles' heel, as it were--women and his tendency toward extramarital dalliance.
They spent four years and $45 million trying to trip him up about the details of something that never should have been any of their or our business in the first place.
After all the time, money and energy diverted to the Starr investigation, all Starr and the Republicans have or ever had is a charge of perjury about the details of an adulterous affair that should never have been the subject of an investigation in any case.
That's one heck of a flimsy reason for deposing a president. But that's all we taxpayers have to show for the $45 million used in Starr's diligent undertaking into salacious voyeurism and what followed in the House of Representatives and is now moving to the Senate.
Sadly, however, in the course of Starr's absurd Independent Counsel inquisition show we as a nation have lost face internationally. Not because of the president's unsavory liaison with Lewinsky, but rather because in almost every other society on earth sex is seen as a natural function of human beings--not as the "filthy, dirty, evil, sweaty and sinful little thing" of Jerry Falwell's dreary and repressed world.
Europeans and others cannot understand the puritanical preoccupation here with the essential "naughtiness" of sex. Many there have not a clue how President Clinton--a remarkably successful leader of the most powerful nation on earth--could face the possibility of impeachment and all the disruption that would bring to the entire world because of a sexual indiscretion. Europeans, who are accustomed to seeing their heads of state involved in such activities without penalty or serious notice, are incredulous that Americans are so caught up in this essentially unimportant matter.
President Clinton made some serious errors of judgment, but he has acknowledged this and apologized to the nation and other affected parties. Beyond that, the matter should have been dropped and he should have been allowed to resume what he does so very well--be presidential and lead this nation.
The present course--an insane impeachment trial in the Senate of a man who has committed no high crimes and no misdemeanors worthy of consideration as impeachable offenses and who enjoys the approbation and approval of more than 70 percent of Americans in their wisdom and common sense--will go nowhere.
But it will distract the President and the nation from the important business at hand--health care reform, social security reform, minimum wage adjustment, and other causes that would make life easier for ordinary Americans while cutting the profit margins of the selfish asses who control the GOP and who have wanted Bill Clinton destroyed for six years.
(From the October 8, 2001, edition of the London Guardian) The West's arrogant assumption of its superiority dangerous as any other form of fundamentalism by Madeleine Bunting The bombs have hit Kabul. Smoke rises above the city and there are reports that an Afghan power plant, one of only two in the country, has been hit. Meanwhile the special forces are on standby, and the necessary allies have been cajoled, bullied and bribed into position. That is not all that was carefully prepared ahead of yesterday's launch of the attacks. Crucially for a modern war, public opinion formers at home have been prepared and marshaled into line with a striking degree of unanimity. The voices of dissent can barely be heard over the chorus of approval and self-righteous enthusiasm. It's the latter that is so jarring, and it's a sign of how quickly the logic of war distorts and manipulates our understanding. War propaganda requires moral clarity - what else can justify the suffering and brutality? - so the conflict is now being cast as a battle between good and evil. Both Bin Laden and the Taliban are being demonized into absurd Bond-style villains, while halos are hung over our heads by throwing the moral net wide: we are not just fighting to protect ourselves out of narrow self-interest, but for a new moral order in which the Afghans will be the first beneficiaries. The extent to which this is all being uncritically accepted is astonishing. Few gave a damn about the suffering of women under the Taliban on September 10 - now we are supposedly fighting a war for them. Even fewer knew (let alone cared) that Afghanistan was suffering from famine. Now the west is promising to solve the humanitarian crisis that it has hugely exacerbated in the last three weeks with its threat of military action. What is incredible is not just the belief that you can end terrorism by taking on the Taliban, but that doing so can be elevated into a grand moral purpose - rather than it incubating a host of evils from Chechnya to Pakistan. Is this gullibility? Naivete? Wishful thinking? There may be elements of these, but what is also lurking here is the outline of a form of western fundamentalism. It believes in historical progress and regards the west as its most advanced manifestation. And it insists that the only way for other countries to match its achievement is to adopt its political, economic and cultural values. It is tolerant towards other cultures only to the extent that they reflect its own values - so it is frequently fiercely intolerant of religious belief and has no qualms about expressing its contempt and prejudice. At its worst, western fundamentalism echoes the characteristics it finds so repulsive in its enemy, Bin Laden: first, a sense of unquestioned superiority; second, an assertion of the universal applicability of its values; and third, a lack of will to understand what is profoundly different from itself... .
(From the October 8, 2001, edition of the London Guardian)
by Madeleine Bunting
The bombs have hit Kabul. Smoke rises above the city and there are reports that an Afghan power plant, one of only two in the country, has been hit.
Meanwhile the special forces are on standby, and the necessary allies have been cajoled, bullied and bribed into position.
That is not all that was carefully prepared ahead of yesterday's launch of the attacks.
Crucially for a modern war, public opinion formers at home have been prepared and marshaled into line with a striking degree of unanimity. The voices of dissent can barely be heard over the chorus of approval and self-righteous enthusiasm.
It's the latter that is so jarring, and it's a sign of how quickly the logic of war distorts and manipulates our understanding. War propaganda requires moral clarity - what else can justify the suffering and brutality? - so the conflict is now being cast as a battle between good and evil. Both Bin Laden and the Taliban are being demonized into absurd Bond-style villains, while halos are hung over our heads by throwing the moral net wide: we are not just fighting to protect ourselves out of narrow self-interest, but for a new moral order in which the Afghans will be the first beneficiaries.
The extent to which this is all being uncritically accepted is astonishing. Few gave a damn about the suffering of women under the Taliban on September 10 - now we are supposedly fighting a war for them. Even fewer knew (let alone cared) that Afghanistan was suffering from famine. Now the west is promising to solve the humanitarian crisis that it has hugely exacerbated in the last three weeks with its threat of military action.
What is incredible is not just the belief that you can end terrorism by taking on the Taliban, but that doing so can be elevated into a grand moral purpose - rather than it incubating a host of evils from Chechnya to Pakistan.
Is this gullibility? Naivete? Wishful thinking? There may be elements of these, but what is also lurking here is the outline of a form of western fundamentalism.
It believes in historical progress and regards the west as its most advanced manifestation. And it insists that the only way for other countries to match its achievement is to adopt its political, economic and cultural values. It is tolerant towards other cultures only to the extent that they reflect its own values - so it is frequently fiercely intolerant of religious belief and has no qualms about expressing its contempt and prejudice.
At its worst, western fundamentalism echoes the characteristics it finds so repulsive in its enemy, Bin Laden: first, a sense of unquestioned superiority; second, an assertion of the universal applicability of its values; and third, a lack of will to understand what is profoundly different from itself... .
The Universal Soldier He's five foot-two, and he's six feet-four, He fights with missiles and with spears. He's all of thirty-one, and he's only seventeen, Been a soldier for a thousand years. He'a a Catholic, a Hindu, an Atheist, a Jain, A Buddhist and a Baptist and a Jew. And he knows he shouldn't kill, And he knows he always will, Kill you for me my friend and me for you. And he's fighting for Canada, He's fighting for France, He's fighting for the USA, And he's fighting for the Russians, And he's fighting for Japan, And he thinks we'll put an end to war this way. And he's fighting for Democracy, He's fighting for the Reds, He says it's for the peace of all. He's the one who must decide, Who's to live and who's to die, And he never sees the writing on the wall. But without him, How would Hitler have condemned him at Dachau? Without him Caesar would have stood alone, He's the one who gives his body As a weapon of the war, And without him all this killing can't go on. He's the Universal Soldier and he really is to blame, His orders come from far away no more, They come from here and there and you and me, And brothers can't you see, This is not the way we put the end to war. Buffy Sainte-Marie
The Universal Soldier He's five foot-two, and he's six feet-four, He fights with missiles and with spears. He's all of thirty-one, and he's only seventeen, Been a soldier for a thousand years.
The Universal Soldier
He's five foot-two, and he's six feet-four,
He fights with missiles and with spears.
He's all of thirty-one, and he's only seventeen,
Been a soldier for a thousand years.
He'a a Catholic, a Hindu, an Atheist, a Jain, A Buddhist and a Baptist and a Jew. And he knows he shouldn't kill, And he knows he always will, Kill you for me my friend and me for you. And he's fighting for Canada, He's fighting for France, He's fighting for the USA, And he's fighting for the Russians, And he's fighting for Japan, And he thinks we'll put an end to war this way.
He'a a Catholic, a Hindu, an Atheist, a Jain,
A Buddhist and a Baptist and a Jew.
And he knows he shouldn't kill,
And he knows he always will,
Kill you for me my friend and me for you.
And he's fighting for Canada,
He's fighting for France,
He's fighting for the USA,
And he's fighting for the Russians,
And he's fighting for Japan,
And he thinks we'll put an end to war this way.
And he's fighting for Democracy, He's fighting for the Reds, He says it's for the peace of all. He's the one who must decide, Who's to live and who's to die, And he never sees the writing on the wall.
And he's fighting for Democracy,
He's fighting for the Reds,
He says it's for the peace of all.
He's the one who must decide,
Who's to live and who's to die,
And he never sees the writing on the wall.
But without him, How would Hitler have condemned him at Dachau? Without him Caesar would have stood alone, He's the one who gives his body As a weapon of the war, And without him all this killing can't go on.
But without him,
How would Hitler have condemned him at Dachau?
Without him Caesar would have stood alone,
He's the one who gives his body
As a weapon of the war,
And without him all this killing can't go on.
He's the Universal Soldier and he really is to blame, His orders come from far away no more, They come from here and there and you and me, And brothers can't you see, This is not the way we put the end to war. Buffy Sainte-Marie
He's the Universal Soldier and he really is to blame, His orders come from far away no more, They come from here and there and you and me, And brothers can't you see, This is not the way we put the end to war.
He's the Universal Soldier and he really is to blame,
His orders come from far away no more,
They come from here and there and you and me,
And brothers can't you see,
This is not the way we put the end to war.
Buffy Sainte-Marie
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